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THE EMANCIPATION OF 
MASSACHUSETTS 



BY 



BROOKS ADAMS 







BOSTON AND NEW YORK 
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COxMPANY 

1887 



f^J,^^ 



Copyright, 1886, 
Bt BBOOKS ADAMS. 

All rights reserved. 

BCQUCSl' 
IKV. OUl-IUS W. ATWOOD 
JUNE S, 1»^& 



77u Riverside Preis, Cambridge: 
Kectrotyped aDd Printed by H. 0. Houghton & Co. 



I AM under the deepest obligations to the Hon. 
Mellen Chamberlain and Mr. Charles Deane. 

The generosity of my friend Mr. Frank Hamilton 
Cushing in putting at my disposal the unpublished 
results of his researches among the Zuuis is in keep- 
ing with the originality and power of his mind. With- 
out his aid my attempt would have been impossible. 
I have also to thank Prof. Henry C. Chapman, J. A. 
Gordon, M. D., Prof. William James, and Alpheus 
Hyatt, Esq., for the kindness with which they assisted 
me. I feel that any merit this volume may possess is 
due to these gentlemen ; its faults are all my own. 

BROOKS ADAMS. 
QuiNCY, September 17, 1886. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

FAOB 

The Commonwealth .1 



CHAPTER II. 
The Antinomians 44 

CHAPTER III. 
The Cambridge Platfokm 79 

CHAPTER IV. 
The Anabaptists 105 

CHAPTER V. 
The Quakers 128 

CHAPTER VI. 
The Scire Facias 179 

CHAPTER VII. 
The Witchcraft 216 

CHAPTER VIII. 
Brattle Church 237 



VI CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER IX. 
Habvabd College 255 

CHAPTER X. 
The Lawyers 286 

CHAPTER XI. 

The Revolution . . . 314 



THE 

EMANCIPATION OF MASSACHUSETTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE COMMONWEALTH. 

The mysteries of the Holy Catholic Church had 
been venerated for ages when Europe burst from her 
mediaeval torpor into the splendor of the Renaissance. 
Political schemes and papal abuses may have precipi- 
tated the inevitable outbreak, but in the dawn of mod- 
ern thought the darkness faded amidst which mankind 
had so long cowered in the abject terrors of supersti- 
tion. Already in the beginning of the fifteenth cen- 
tury many of the ancient dogmas had begun to awaken 
incredulity, and sceptics learned to mock at that claim 
to infallibility upon which the priesthood based their 
right to command the blind obedience of the Chris- 
tian world. Between such adversaries compromise 
was impossible ; and those who afterward revolted 
against the authority of the traditions of Rome sought 
refuge under the shelter of the Bible, which they 
grew to reverence with a passionate devotion, believ- 
ing it to have been not only directly and verbally in- 
spired by God, but the only channel through which he 
had made known his will to men. 



2 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

Thus the movement was not toward new doctrines ; 
on the contrary, it was the rejection of what could no 
longer be believed. Calvin was no less orthodox than 
St. Augustine in what he accepted; his heresy lay 
in the denial of enigmas from which his understand- 
ing recoiled. The mighty convulsion of the Reforma- 
tion, therefore, was but the supreme effort of the race 
to tear itself from the toils of a hierarchy whose life 
hung upon its success in forcing the children to wor- 
ship the myths of their ancestral religion. 

Three hundred years after Luther nailed his theses 
to the church door the logical deduction had been 
drawn from his great act, and Christendom had been 
driven to admit that any concession of the right to 
reason upon matters of faith involved the recognition 
of the freedom of individual thought. But though 
this noble principle has been at length established, 
long years of bloodshed passed before the victory was 
won ; and from the outset the attitude of the clergy 
formed the chief obstacle to the triumph of a more 
liberal civilization ; for howsoever bitterly Catholic 
and Protestant divines have hated and persecuted 
each other, they have united like true brethren in 
their hatred and their persecution of heretics ; for 
such was their inexorable destiny. 

Men who firmly believe that salvation lies within 
their creed alone, and doubters suffer endless tor- 
ments, never can be tolerant. They feel that duty 
commands them to defend their homes against a deadly 
peril, and even pity for the sinner urges them to wring 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 3 

from him a recantation before it is too late ; and then, 
moreover, dissent must lessen the power and influence 
of a hierarchy and may endanger its very existence ; 
therefore the priests of every church have been stimu- 
lated to crush out schism by the two strongest passions 
that can inflame the mind — by bigotry and by ambi- 
tion. 

In England the Reformation was controlled by 
statesmen, whose object was to invest the crown with 
ecclesiastical power, and who made no changes except 
such as they thought necessary for their purpose. 
They repudiated the papal supremacy, and adopted 
articles of religion sufficiently evangelical in form, but 
they retained episcopacy, the liturgy, and the sur- 
plice ; the cross was still used in baptism, the people 
bowed at the name of Jesus, and knelt at the com- 
munion. Such a compromise with what they deemed 
idolatry was offensive to the stricter Protestants, and 
so early as 1550 John Hooper refused the see of 
Gloucester because he would not wear the robes of 
office ; thus almost from its foundation the church was 
divided into factions, and those who demanded a more 
radical reform were nicknamed Puritans. As time 
elapsed large numbers who could no longer bring 
themselves to conform withdrew from the orthodox 
communion, and began to worship by themselves ; 
persecution followed, and many fled to Holland, where 
they formed congregations in the larger towns, the 
most celebrated of them being that of John Robinson 
at Leyden, which afterward founded Plymouth. But 



4 THE COMMOMWEALTH. 

the intellectual ferment was universal, and the same 
upheaval that was rending the church was shaking 
the foundations of the state : power was passing into 
the hands of the people, but a century was to elapse 
before the relations of the sovereign to the House of 
Commons were fully adjusted. During this interval 
the Stuarts reigned and three of the four kings suf- 
fered exile or death in the fierce contest for mastery. 

The fixed determination of Charles I. was to es- 
tablish a despotism and enforce conformity with ritu- 
alism ; and the result was the Great Rebellion. 

Among the statesmen who advised him, none has 
met with such scant mercy from posterity as Laud, 
who has been gibbeted as the impersonification of 
narrowness, of bigotry, and of cruelty. The judgment 
is unscientific, for whatever may be thought of the 
humanity or wisdom of his policy, he only did what 
all have done who have attempted to impose a creed 
on men. 

The real grievance has never been that an obser- 
vance has been required, or an indulgence refused, but 
that the right to think has been denied. Provided a 
boundary be fixed within which the reason must be 
chained, the line drawn by Laud is as reasonable as 
that of Calvin ; Geneva is no more infallible than 
Canterbury or Rome. Comprehension is the dream 
of visionaries, for some will always differ from any 
I confession of faith, however broad ; and where there 
are dogmas there will be heretics till all have perished. 
But in their fear and hatred of individual free thought 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 5 

regarding the mysteries of religion, Laud, Calvin, and 
the Pope agreed. 

With the progress of the war, the Puritans, who 
had at first been united in their opposition to the 
crown, themselves divided ; one party, to which most 
of the peers and of the non-conforming clergy be- 
longed, being anxious to reestablish the monarchy, 
and set up a rigid Presbyterianism ; the other, of 
whose spirit Cromwell was the incarnation, resolving 
each day more firmly to crush the king and proclaim 
freedom of conscience; and it was this doctrine of 
toleration which was the snare and the abomination in 
the eyes of evangelical divines. 

Robert Baillie, the Scotch commissioner, while in 
London, anxiously watching the rise of the power of 
the Independents in Parliament, with each victory of 
their armies in the field wrote, " Liberty of conscience, 
and toleration of all and any religion, is so prodigious 
an impiety that this religious parliament cannot but 
abhor the very meaning of it." Nor did his reverend 
brethren of the Westminster Assembly fall any whit 
behind him when they rose to expound the word. In 
a letter of 17th May, 1644, he thus described their 
doctrine : " This day was the best that I have seen 
since I came to England. . . . After D. Twisse had 
begun with a brief prayer, Mr. Marshall prayed large 
two hours, most divinely, confessing the sins of the 
members of the assembly, in a wonderful, pathetick, 
and prudent way. After, Mr, Arrowsmith preached an 
hour, then a psalm ; thereafter, Mr. Vines prayed near 



6 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

two hours, and Mr. Palmer preached an hour, and Mr. 
Seaman prayed near two hours, then a psalm ; after, 
Mr. Henderson brought them to a sweet conference of 
the heat confessed in the assembly, and other seen faults 
to be remedied, and the eonveniency to preach against 
all sects, especially Anabaptists and Antinomians. 
Dr. Twisse closed with a short prayer and blessing." ^ 

But Cromwell, gifted with noble instincts and tran- 
scendent political genius, a layman, a statesman, and 
a soldier, was a liberal from birth till death. 

" Those that were sound in the faith, how proper was 
it for them to labor for liberty, . . . that men might 
not be trampled upon for their consciences ! Had not 
they labored but lately under the weight of persecu- 
tion ? And was it fit for them to sit heavy upon oth- 
ers ? Is it ingenuous to ask liberty and not to give it ? 
What greater hypocrisy than for those who were op- 
pressed by the bishops to become the greatest oppres- 
sors themselves, so soon as their yoke was removed ? 
I could wish that they who call for liberty now also 
had not too much of that spirit, if the power were in 
their hands." ^ 

" If a man of one form will be trampling upon the 
heels of another form, if an Independent, for example, 
will despise him under Baptism, and will revile him 
and reproach him and provoke him, — I will not suffer 
it in him. If, on the other side, those of the Anabap- 

1 Baillle's Letters and Journals, ii. 18. 

2 Speech at dissolution of first Parliament, Jan. 22, 1655. 
Carlyle's Cromwell, iv. 107. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 7 

tist shall be censuring the godly ministers of the 
nation who profess under that of Independency ; or 
if those that profess under Presbytery shall be re- 
proaching or speaking evil of them, traducing and 
censuring of them, as I would not be willing to see 
the day when England shall be in the power of the 
Presbytery to impose upon the consciences of others 
that profess faith in Christ, — so I will not endure 
any reproach to them." ^ 

The number of clergymen among the emigrants to 
Massachusetts was very large, and the character of 
the class who formed the colony was influenced by 
them to an extraordinary degree. Many able pastors 
had been deprived in England for non-conformity, 
and they had to choose between silence or exile. To 
men of their temperament silence would have been in- 
tolerable ; and most must have depended upon their 
profession for support. America, therefore, offered 
a convenient refuge. The motives are less obvious 
which induced the leading laymen, some of whom 
were of fortune and consequence at home, to face the 
hardships of the wilderness. Persecution cannot be 
the explanation, for a government under which Hamp- 
den and Cromwell could live and be returned to Par- 
liament was not intolerable ; nor does it appear that 
any of them had been severely dealt with. The wish 
of the Puritan party to have a place of retreat, should 
the worst befall, may have had its weight with indi- 
viduals, but probably the influence which swayed the 

^ Speech made September, 1656. Carlyle's Cromwell, iv. 234. 



8 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

larger number was the personal ascendancy of their 
pastors, for that ascendancy was complete. In a com- 
munity so selected, men of the type of Baillie must 
have vastly outnumbered those of the stamp of Crom- 
well, and in point of fact their minds were generally 
cast in the ecclesiastical mould and imbued with the 
ecclesiastical feeling. Governor Dudley represented 
them well, and at his death some lines were found in 
his pocket in which their spirit yet glows in all the 
fierceness of its bigotry. 

" Let men of God in Courts and Churches watch 
O're such as do a Toleration hatch, 
Lest that 111 Egg bring forth a Cockatrice, 
To poison all with heresie and vice." ^ 

In former ages churches had been comprehensive 
to this extent : infants had been baptized, and, when 
the child had become a man, he had been admitted to 
the communion as a matter of course, unless his life 
had given scandal ; but to this system the Congrega^ 
tionalist was utterly opposed. He believed that, hu- 
man nature being totally depraved, some became re- 
generate through grace ; that the signs of grace were 
as palpable as any other traits of character, and could 
be discerned by all the world ; therefore, none should 
be admitted to the sacrament who had not the marks 
of the elect ; and as in a well-ordered community the 
godly ought to rule, it followed that none should be 
enfranchised but members of the church. 

To suppose such a government could be maintained 
in England was beyond the dreams even of an enthu- 
^ Magnolia, bk. 2, eh. v. § 1. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 9 

siast, and there can be little doubt that the controlling 
incentive with many of those who sailed was the hope, 
with the aid of their divines, of founding a religious 
commonwealth in the wilderness which should har- 
monize with their interpretation of the Scriptures. 

The execution of such a project was, however, far 
from easy. It would have been most unsafe for the 
emigrants to have divulged their true designs, since 
these were not only unlawful, but would have been 
highly offensive to the king, and yet they were too 
feeble to exist without the protection of Great Britain, 
therefore it was necessary to secure for themselves the 
rights of English subjects, and to throw some sem- 
blance at least of the sanction of law over the oro^ani- 
zation of their new state. Accordingly, a patent ^ was 
obtained from the crown, by which twenty-five persons 
were incorporated under the name of the Governor 
and Company of Massachusetts Bay in New England ; 
and as the extent of the powers therein granted has 
given rise to a controversy which is not yet closed, it 
is necessary to understand the nature of that instru- 
ment in order to comprehend the bearings of the bit- 
ter strife which darkens the history of the first fifty 
years of the colony. 

The germ of the written charter is so ancient as to 
be lost in obscurity. During the Middle Ages, op- 
pression was, speaking generally, the accepted con- 
dition of society, no man not noble having the right 
in theory, or the power in practice, to control his own 
actions without interference from his feudal superior. 
1 March 4, 1629. 



10 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

Under such circumstances the only hope for the weak 
was to combine, and most of the early triumphs of 
freedom were won by combinations of commons against 
some noble, or of nobles against a king. Organization 
is difficult for a peasantry, but easy for burghers, and 
from the outset these seem to have imited for their 
common defense against the neighboring barons ; and 
thus was born the mediseval guild. 

The ancient townsmen were not usually strong 
enough to fight for their liberties, so they generally 
resorted to purchase ; they agreed with their lord 
upon a price to be paid for a privilege, and were 
given for their money a grant, which, because it was 
written, was called a charter. 

The following charter of the Merchants' Guild of 
Leicester is very early and very simple. It presup- 
poses that there could be no doubt about the local 
customs, which are therefore not enumerated, and it 
shows that the guild of Leicester existed as a corpora- 
tion at the Conquest, and must already have held 
property in succession and been liable to suit through 
two reigns : — 

" Robert, Earl of MeUent, to Ralph, and all his 
barons, French and English, of all his land in Eng- 
land, greeting : Know ye, that I have granted to my 
merchants of Leicester their Guild Merchant, with all 
customs which they held in the time of King William, 
of King William his son, and now hold in the time of 
Henry the king. 

" Witness : R., the son of Alcitil." 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 11 

The object of these ancient writings was only to 
record the fact of corporate existence ; the popular 
custom by which the guilds were regulated was taken 
for granted ; but obviously they must have had suc- 
cession, been liable to suit, able to contract, and, in a] 
word, to do all those acts which were afterward set 
forth. And such has uniformly been the process by 
which English jurisprudence has been shaped ; a 
usage grows up that courts recognize, and, by their 
decisions, establish as the common law ; but judicial 
decisions are inflexible, and, as they become anti- 
quated, they are themselves modified by legislation. 
Lawyers observed these customary companies for 
some centuries before they learned what functions were 
universal ; but, with the lapse of time, the patents be- 
came more elaborate, until at length a voluminous 
grant of each particular power was held necessary to 
create a new corporation. 

A merchants' guild, like the one of Leicester, was 
an association of the townsmen for their common wel- 
fare. Every trader was then called a merchant, and 
as almost every burgher lived by trade, and was also 
a landowner, to the extent at least of his dwelling, it 
followed that the guild practically included all free 
male inhabitants ; the guild hall was used as the town 
hall, the guild ordinances were the town ordinances, 
and the corporation became the government of the 
borough, and as such chose persons to represent it in 
Parliament, when summoned by the king's writ to 
send burgesses to Westminster. 



12 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

London is a corporation by prescription and not by 
virtue of any particular charter, and to this day its 
city hall is called by the ancient name, Guild Hall. 
But with the growth of wealth and population the 
original fraternity divided into craft organizations (so 
long ago, indeed, that no record of its existence re- 
mains), and each trade organized a guild, with a hall 
of its own ; and thus it came to pass that the twelve 
livery companies — the Mercers, the Grocers, the 
Goldsmiths, the Drapers, the Fishmongers, and the 
rest — became the government of the capital of Eng- 
land. 

All mediaeval institutions tended to aristocracy and 
monopoly, and, accordingly, after the merchant guilds 
had split into these corporate trade unions, boroughs 
waxed exclusive, and membership, instead of being 
an incident of citizenship, grew to confer citizenship 
itself ; thus the franchise, being confined to freemen, 
and freedom or membership having come to depend 
on birth, marriage, election, or purchase, the constit- 
uencies which returned a majority of the House of 
Commons grew so petty and corrupt as to threaten 
the existence of parliamentary government itself, and 
the abuse at last culminated in the agitation which 
produced the Reform Bill. 

When legal forms had taken shape, the land upon 
which a town stood was not unusuallv granted to the 
mayor and commonalty by metes and bounds,^ to 

^ See Charter of Plymouth, granted 1439. History of Plym- 
outh, p. 50. The incorporation was by statute. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 13 

them and their successors forever, upon payment of 
a rent ; and the mayor and common council were em- 
powered to make laws and ordinances for the local 
government, and to fine, imprison, and sometimes 
whip and otherwise punish offenders, so as their stat- 
utes, fines, pains, and penalties were reasonable and 
not repugnant to law.^ The foreign trading company 
was an offshoot of the guild, and was intended to 
protect commerce. Obviously some such organization 
must have been necessary, for, if property was inse- 
cure within the realm, it was far more exposed with- 
out; and, indeed, in the fourteenth century, English 
merchants domiciled on the Continent could hardly 
have been safer than Europeans are now who garrison 
the so-called factories upon the coast of Africa. 

At the Conquest, the Hanse merchants had a house 
in London, which was afterward famous as the Steel 
Yard. They lived a strange life, — a combination of 
that of the trader, the soldier, and the monk. Their 
fortified warehouse, exposed to the attacks of the fero- 
cious mob, was occasionally taken and sacked ; and the 
garrison shut up within was subject to an iron dis- 
cipline. They were forbidden to marry, no woman 
passed the gates, nor did they ever sleep a night with- 
out the walls ; but, always on the watch, they lay in 
their cells ready to repulse a storm. For many years 
these Germans seem to have monopolized the carrying 
trade, for it was not till the thirteenth century that 
Englishmen appear to have made an effort at compe- 
1 History of Tiverton, App. 5. 



14 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

tition. However, about 1296 certain London mer- 
cers are said to have obtained a grant of privileges 
from John, Duke of Brabant, and to have established 
a wool market at Antwerp.^ The recognition of the 
Flemish government was of course necessary ; but 
they could hardly have maintained themselves with- 
out some support at home ; for, although their ware- 
house was abroad, they were English merchants, and 
they must have relied upon English protection. No 
very early documents remain ; but an elaborate char- 
ter, granted by Edward IV. in 1463, proves that the 
corporation had then had a long legal existence.^ The 
crown thereby confirmed one Obrey, the governor, in 
his office during pleasure, with the wages theretofore 
enjoyed ; existing laws were approved ; the governor 
and merchants were empowered to elect twelve Jus- 
ticers, who were to hold courts for all merchants and 
mariners in those parts ; and the company was au- 
thorized to regulate the trade and control the traders, 
provided no laws were passed contrary to the intent 
of that charter. 

Here, as in the Merchant Guild, the inevitable aris- 
tocratic revolution took place, and the old democratic 
brotherhood became a strict monopoly. The oppres- 
sion was so flagrant that a petition was presented to 
Parliament in 1497 against the exactions of the Mer- 
chant Adventurers, as the association was then called, 
by which it appeared that interlopers, trading to Hol- 

* Anderson's History of Commerce. 
« Hakluyt's Voyages, i. 230. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 16 

land and Flanders, were fined X40, whereas any sub- 
ject might have become a freeman in earlier times for 
an old noble, or about 6s. %d. ; ^ and the scandal was 
so great that the fine was fixed at 10 marks, or £,Q 
13s. 4c?., by statute. During the stagnation of the 
Middle Ages few traces of such commercial enter- 
prises are to be found, but with the sixteenth century 
Europe awoke to a new life and thrilled with a new 
energy. Trade shared in the impulse. In 1554 Philip 
and Mary incorporated the Russia Company in regu- 
lar modern form ; in 1581 the Turkey Company was 
organized ; in 1600 the East India Company received 
its charter ; and, to come directly to what is mate- 
rial, in 1629 Charles I. signed the patent of the Gov- 
ernor and Company of Massachusetts Bay in New 
England. 

Stripped of its verbiage, the provisions are simple. 
The stockholders, or "freemen," as they were then 
called, were to meet once a quarter in a " General 
Court." This General Court, or stockholders' meet- 
ing, chose the officers, of which there were twenty, the 
governor, deputy governor, and eighteen assistants 
or directors, on the last Wednesday in each Easter 
Term. The assistants were intrusted with the business 
management, and were to meet once a month or of- 
tener ; while the General Court was empowered to ad- 
mit freemen, and " to make laws and ordinances for 
the good and welfare of the said company, and for the 
government and ordering of the said lands and planta- 
1 12 Henry VII. ch. vi. 



16 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

tion, and the people inhabiting and to inhabit the same, 
as to them from time to time shall be thought meet, — 
so as such laws and ordinances be not contrary or re- 
pugnant to the laws and statutes of this our realm of 
England." The criminal jurisdiction was limited to 
the " imposition of lawful fines, mulcts, imprisonment, 
or other lawful correction, according to the course of 
other corporations in this our realm of England." 

The " course of corporations " referred to was well 
established. The Master and Wardens of the Guild 
of Drapers in London, for example, could make " such 
. . . pains, punishments, and penalties, by corporal 
punishment, or fines and amercements," . . . " as shall 
seem . . . necessary," provided their statutes were 
reasonable and not contrary to the laws of the king- 
dom.i In like manner, boroughs such as Tiverton 
might " impose and assess punishments by imprison- 
ments, etc., and reasonable fines upon ofPenders." ^ 

But all lawyers knew that such grants did not con- 
vey full civil or criminal jurisdiction, which, when 
thought needful, was specially conferred, as was done 
in the case of the East India Company upon their pe- 
tition in 1624,^ and in that of Massachusetts by the 
charter of William and Mary. 

Such was the undoubted theory, and evidently there 
must always have been some practical means of check- 
ing the abuse of power by these strong organizations. 

* Herbert's Livery Companies, i. 489. 
^ See History of Tiverton, App. 5. 
' Bruce, Annals, i. 252. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 17 

In semi-barbarous ages the sovereign took matters into 
his own hands by seizing the franchise, and even the 
Plantagenets repeatedly suspended or revoked the lib- 
erties of London, — often, no doubt, for cause, but 
sometimes also to make money by a resale ; and a suc- 
cession of these arbitrary forfeitures demonstrated that 
charters to be of value must be beyond the grantor's 
control. Resort was had to the courts, as a matter of 
course, and finally it was settled that relief should be 
given by a writ of quo warranto, upon which the ques- 
tion of the violation of privileges could be tried ; and 
curious records still remain of ancient litigations of 
this nature. 

In 1321 complaint was made against the London 
Weavers for injuring the public by passing regulations 
tending to raise the price of cloth.^ It was alleged that 
the guild, with this intent, had limited the working 
hours in the day, the working days in the year, and 
the number of apprentices the freemen might employ; 
and the prayer was that for these abuses the charter 
should be annulled. 

The cause was tried before a jury, who found the 
truth of some of the charges ; but the judgment is lost, 
as the roll is imperfect. 

There was danger, moreover, to the citizen from the 
oppression of these powerful bodies, as well as to the 
public from their usurpations ; and were authority 
wholly wanting, argument would be almost unneces- 
sary to prove that some appellate tribunal must always 
^ Liber Customartcm, i. 416-424. 



18 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

have had jurisdiction to pass upon the validity of cor- 
porate legislation ; for otherwise any summary punish- 
ment might have been inflicted upon an individual, 
though notoriously unlawful, and the only redress pos- 
sible would have been subsequent proceedings to vacate 
the charter. 

Through appeals, corporations could be controlled ; 
and by none was this control so stubbornly disputed, 
or its necessity so clearly demonstrated, as by the 
Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay in New 
England. A good illustration is the trial of the 
Quaker, Wenlock Christison, for his life in 1661. 

" William Leddra being thus dispatch'd, it was re- 
solved to make an end also of Wenlock Christison. 
He therefore was brought from the prison to the court 
at Boston, where the governor John Indicot, and the 
deputy governor Richard Billingham, being both pres- 
ent, it was told him, ' Unless you wiU renounce your 
religion, you shall surely die.' But instead of shrink- 
ing, he said with an undaunted courage, ' Nay, I shall 
not change my religion, nor seek to save my life ; 
neither do I intend to deny my Master ; but if I lose 
my life for Christ's sake, and the preaching of the gos- 
pel, I shall save my life.' . . . John Indicot asked him 
' what he had to say for himself, why he should not 
die ? ' . . . Then Wenlock asked, ' By what law will 
you put me to death? ' The answer was, ' We have a 
law, and by our law you are to die.' ' So said the 
Jews of Christ,' (reply'd Wenlock) ' we have a law, 
and by our law he ought to die. Who empowered 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 19 

you to make that law ? ' To which one of the board 
answered, ' We have a patent, and are the patentees ; 
jutlj^e whether we have not power to make laws.' 
Hereupon Wenlock asked again, ' How, have you 
power to make laws repugnant to the laws of Eng- 
land?' 'No,' said the governor. 'Then,' (reply 'd 
Wenlock,) 'you are gone beyond your bounds, and 
have forfeited your patent ; and that is more than you 
can answer.' ' Are you,' ask'd he, ' subjects to the 
king, yea or nay ? ' . . . To which one said, ' Yea, we 
are so.' ' Well,' said Wenlock, ' so am I.' . . . ' There- 
fore seeing that you and I are subjects to the king, 
I demand to be tried by the laws of my own nation.' 
It was answered. You shall be tried by a bench and a 
jury.' For it seems they began to be afraid to go on in 
the former course, of trial without a jury. . . . But 
Wenlock said, ' That is not the law, but the manner 
of it ; for I never heard nor read of any law that was 
in England to hang Quakers.' To this the governor 
reply'd ' that there was a law to hang Jesuits.' To 
which Wenlock return'd, ' If you put me to death, it 
is not because I go under the name of a Jesuit, but of 
a Quaker. Therefore, I appeal to the laws of my ov/n 
nation.' But instead of taking notice of this, one 
said ' that he was in their hands, and had broken their 
law, and they would try him.' " ^ 

Yet, though the ecclesiastical party in Massachusetts 
obstinately refused to admit appeals to the British 
judiciary up to the last moment of their power, for the 
1 Sewei, pp. 278, 270. 



20 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

obvious reason that the existence of the theocracy de- 
pended upon the enforcement of such legislation as 
that under which the Quakers suffered, there was no 
principle in the whole range of English jurisprudence 
more firmly established. By a statute of Henry VI. 
passed in 1436, corporate enactments were to be sub- 
mitted to the judges for approval; and the Court of 
King's Bench always set aside such as were bad, when- 
ever the question of their validity was presented for 
adjudication. 1 

But discussion is futile ; the proposition is self-evi- 
dent, that an association endowed with the capacity of 
acting like a single man, for certain defined objects, 
which shall attempt other objects, or shall seek to com- 
pass its ends by unlawful means, violates the condition 
upon which its life has been granted, transcends the 
limits of its existence, and forfeits its privileges ; and 
that under such circumstances its ordinances are void, 
and none are bound to yield them their obedience. 

Approached thus from the standpoint of legal his- 
tory, no doubt can exist concerning the scope of the 
franchise secured by the Puritans for the Massachu- 
setts colony. The instrument obtained from Charles I. 
embodied certain of their number in an English cor- 
poration, whose only lawful business was the American 
trade, as the business of the East India Company was 

1 Stat. 15 H. VI. ch. 6. Stat. 19 H. VII. ch. 7. Clark's 
Case, 5 Coke, 633, decided a. d. 1596. See Kyd on Corporations, 
ii. 107-110, where authorities are collected. Child v. Hudson 
Bay Co., 2 P. W. 207. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 21 

trade In Hindostan. To enable them to act effec- 
tively, a tract of land in New England, between the 
Merrimack and the Charles, was conveyed to them, as 
the soil upon which a town stood was conveyed to the 
mayor and commonalty. Within this territory they 
were authorized to established their plantations and 
forts, which they were empowered to defend against 
attack, as the Hanse merchants defended the Steel 
Yard in London. They were also permitted to gov- 
ern the country within their grant by reasonable regu- 
lations calculated to preserve the peace, and of much 
the same character as the municipal ordinances of 
towns, subject, of course, to judicial supervision. The 
corporation itself was created subject to the municipal 
laws of England, and could have no existence without 
the realm ; and though perhaps even then the Amer- 
ican wilderness might have been held to belong to the 
British empire, it formed no part of the kingdom,^ 
and was altogether beyond the limits of that juris- 
diction from whose customs and statutes the life of 
this imaginary being sprang. Therefore, the govern- 
ing body could legally exercise its functions only 
when domiciled in some English town.^ 

Sir Richard Sheldon, the solicitor-general, advised 
the king that he was signing a charter containing " such 
. . . clauses for y® electing of Governors and Officers 
here in England, . . . and powers to make lawes and 

1 Blackstone's Commentaries, i. 109. 

2 On this subject see the able paper of Mr. Deane, in MassO' 
chusetts Historical Society Proceedings, December, 18G9, p. 166. 



22 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

ordinances for setling ye governement and magistracye 
for y® plantacon there, . . . as . . . are usuallie al- 
lowed to Corporacons in England." ^ And there can 
be no question that his opinion was sound. 

Nothing can be imagined more ill-suited to serve 
as the organic law of a new commonwealth than this 
instrument. No provision was made for superior or 
probate courts, for a representative assembly, for the 
incorporation of counties and towns, for police or 
taxation. In short, hardly a step could be taken 
toward founding a territorial government based upon 
popular suffrage without working a forfeiture of the 
charter by abuse of the franchise. The colonists, it 
is true, afterward advanced very different theories of 
construction; but that they were well aware of their 
legal position is demonstrated by the fact that after 
some hesitation from apprehension of consequences, 
they ventured on the singularly bold and lawless 
measure of secretly removing their charter to Amer- 
ica and establishing their corporation in a land which 
they thought would be beyond the process of West- 
minster Hall.2 The details of the settlement are 
related in many books, and require only the brief- 
est mention here. In 1628 an association of gen- 
tlemen bought the tract of country lying between 
the Merrimack and Charles from the Council of Plym- 
outh, and sent Endieott to take charge of their pui'- 
chase. A royal patent was, however, thought neces- 
sary for the protection of a large colony, and one 

1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. 1369-70, p. 173. ^ i629, Aug. 29. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 23 

having been obtained, the Company of Massachusetts 
Bay was at once organized in England, Endicott was 
appointed governoi' in America, and six vessels sailed 
during the spring of 1629, taking out several hundred 
persons and a " plentiful provision of godly minis- 
ters." In August the church of Salem was gathered 
and Mi\ Higginson was consecrated as their teacher. 
In that same month Winthroj), Saltonstall, and others 
met at Cambridge and signed an agreement binding 
themselves upon the faith of Christians to embark for 
the plantation by the following March ; " Provided 
always that before the last of September next, the 
whole government, together with the patent, ... be 
first by an order of court legally transferred and es- 
tablished to remain with us and others which shall 
inhabite upon the said plantation." ^ The Company 
accepted the proposition, Winthrop was chosen gov- 
ernor, and he anchored in Salem harbor in June.^ 
More than a thousand settlers landed before winter, 
and the first General Court was held at Boston in 
October ; nor did the emigration thus begun entirely 
cease until the meeting of the Long Parliament. 

From the beginning the colonists took what meas- 
ures they thought proper, without regarding the lim- 
itations of the law. Counties and towns had to be 
practically incorporated, taxes were levied upon in- 
habitants, and in 1634 all pretence of a General Court 
of freemen was dropped, and the towns chose dele- 
gates to represent them, though the legislature was 
1 Hutch. Coll., Prince ed. i. 28. « 1630. 



24 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

not divided into two branches until ten years later. 
When the government had become fully organized 
supreme power was vested in the General Court, a 
legislature composed of two houses ; the assistants, 
or magistrates, as they were called, and the depu- 
ties. The governor, deputy governor, and assistants 
were elected by a general vote ; but each town sent 
two deputies to Boston. 

For some years justice was dispensed by the magis- 
trates according to the Word of God, but gradually a 
judicial system was established ; the magistrate's local 
court was the lowest, from whence causes went by 
appeal to the county courts, one of whose judges was 
always an assistant, and probate jurisdiction was given 
to the two held at Ipswich and at Salem. From the 
judgments entered here an appeal lay to the Court of 
Assistants, and then to the General Court, which was 
the tribunal of last resort. The clergy and gentry 
pertinaciously resisted the enactment of a series of 
general statutes, upon which the people as steadily 
insisted, until at length, in 1641, " The Body of Lib- 
erties" was approved by the legislature. This com- 
pilation was the work of the Eev. Mr. Ward, pastor 
of Ipswich, and contained a criminal code copied al- 
most word for word from the Pentateuch, but apart 
from matters touching religion, the legislation was 
such as English colonists have always adopted. A 
major-general was elected who commanded the mili- 
tia, and in 1652 money was coined. 

The social institutions, however, have a keener in- 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 26 

terest, for they reflect that strong cast of thought 
which has stamped its imprint deep into the character 
of so much of the American people. The seventeenth 
century was aristocratic, and the inhabitants of the 
larger part of New England were divided into three 
classes, the commonalty, the gentry, and the clergy. 
Little need be said of the first, except that they were 
a brave and determined race, as ready to fight as 
Cromwell's saints, who made Rupert's troopers " as 
stubble to their swords ; " that they were intelligent, 
and would not brook injustice ; and that they were 
resolute, and would not endure oppression. All know 
that they were energetic and shrewd. 

The gentry had the weight in the community that 
comes with wealth and education, and they received 
the deference then paid to birth, for they were for the 
most part the descendants of English country- gen tie- 
men. As a matter of course they monopolized the 
chief offices ; and they were not sentenced by the 
courts to degrading punishments, like whipping, for 
their offences, as other criminals were. They even 
showed some wish at the outset to create legal dis- 
tinctions, such as a magistracy for life, and a disposi- 
tion to magnify the jurisdiction of the Court of Assist- 
ants, whose seats they filled ; but the action of the 
people was determined though quiet, a chamber of 
deputies was chosen, and such schemes were heard 
of no more. 

Yet notwithstanding the existence of this aristo- 
cratic element, the real substance of influence and 



26 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

power lay with the clergy. It has been taught as an 
axiom of Massachusetts history, that from the outset 
the town was the social and political unit ; but an 
analysis of the evidence tends to show that the or- 
ganization of the Puritan Commonwealth was eccle- 
siastical, and the congregation, not the town, the basis 
upon which the fabric rested. By the constitution of 
the corporation the franchise went with the freedom 
of the company ; but in order to form a constituency 
which would support a sacerdotal oligarchy, it was 
enacted in 1631 " that for time to come noe man 
shalbe admitted to the freedome of this body polli- 
ticke, but such as are members of some of the 
churches within . . . the same." ^ Thus though com- 
municants were not necessarily voters, no one could be 
a voter who was not a communicant ; therefore the 
town-meetinj; was in fact nothinj: but the church 
meeting, possibly somewhat attenuated, and called 
by a different name. By this insidious statute the 
clergy seized the temporal power, which they held till 
the charter fell. The minister stood at the head of 
the congregation and moulded it to suit his purposes 
and to do his will ; for though he could not when op- 
posed admit an inhabitant to the sacrament, he could 
peremptorily exclude therefrom all those of whom he 
disapproved, for "none are propounded to the congre- 
gation, except they be first allowed by the elders." ^ 
In such a community the influence of the priesthood 

^ Mass. Records, i. 87. 

^ Winthrop's reply to Vane, Hutch. Coll., Prince ed. i. 101. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 27 

must have been overwhelming. Not only in an age 
without newspapers or tolerable roads were their ser- 
mons, preached several times each week to every 
voter, the most effective of political harangues ; but, 
unlike other party orators, they were not forced to 
stimulate the sluggish, or to convince the hostile, for 
from a people glowing with fanaticism, each elder 
picked his band of devoted servants of the church, 
men passionately longing to do the will of Christ, 
whose commands concerning earth and heaven their 
pastor had been ordained to declare. Nor was their 
power bounded by local limits ; though seldom holding 
office themselves, they were solemnly consulted by the 
government on every important question that arose, 
whether of war or peace, and their counsel was rarely 
disregarded. They gave their opinion, no matter how 
foreign the subject might be to their profession or 
their education ; and they had no hesitation in pass- 
ing upon the technical construction of the charter 
with the authority of a bench of judges. An amus- 
ing example is given by Winthrop : " The General 
Court assembled again, and all the elders were sent 
for, to reconcile the differences between the magis- 
trates and deputies. When they were come the first 
question put to them was, . . . whether the magistrates 
are, by patent and election of the people, the standing 
council of this commonwealth in the vacancy of the 
General Court, and have power accordingly to act in 
all cases subject to government, according to the said 
patent and the laws of this jurisdiction ; and when 



28 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

any necessary occasions call for action from authority, 
ill cases where there is no particular express law pro- 
vided, there to be guided by the word of God, till the 
General Court give particular rules in such cases. 
The elders, having received the question, withdrew 
themselves for consultation about it, and the next day 
sent to know, when we would appoint a time that they 
might attend the court with their answer. The mag- 
istrates and deputies agreed upon an hour " and 
..." their answer was affirmativ^e, on the magis- 
trates behalf, in the very words of the question, with 
some reasons thereof. It was delivered in writing by 
Mr. Cotton in the name of them all, they being all 
present, and not one dissentient." Then the magis- 
trates propounded four more questions, the last of 
which is as follows : " Whether a judge be bound to 
pronounce such sentence as a positive law prescribes, 
in case it be apparently above or beneath the merit of 
the offence?" To which the elders replied at great 
length, saying that the penalty must vary with the 
gravity of the crime, and added examples : " So any 
sin committed with an high hand, as the gathering of 
sticks on the Sabbath day, may be punished with death 
when a lesser punishment may serve for gathering 
sticks privily and in some need." ^ Yet though the 
clerical influence was so unbounded the theocracy it- 
self was exposed to constant peril. In monarchies 
such as France or Spain the priests who rule the king 
have the force of the nation at command to dispose of 
1 Winthrop, ii. 204, 205. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 29 

at their will ; but in Massachusetts a more difficult 
problem was presented, for the voters had to be con- 
trolled. By the law requiring freemen to be church- 
members the elders meant to grasp the key to the suf- 
frage, but experience soon proved that more stringent 
regulation was needed. 

According to the original Congregational theory 
each church was complete and independent, and elected 
its own officers and conducted its own worship, free 
from interference from without, except that others of 
the same communion might offer advice or admoni- 
tion. Under the theocracy no such loose system was 
possible, for heresy might enter in three different 
ways ; first, under the early law, " blasphemers " might 
form a congregation and from thence creep into the 
company; second, an established church might fall 
into error; third, an unsound minister might be 
chosen, who would debauch his flock by securing the 
admission of sectaries to the sacrament. Above all, a 
creed was necessary by means of which false doctrine 
might be instantly detected and condemned. Accord- 
ingly, one by one, as the need for vigilance increased, 
laws were passed to guard these points of danger. 

First, in 1635 it was enacted,^ " Forasmuch *as it 
hath bene found by sad experience, that much trouble 
and disturbance hath happened both to the church 
& civill state by the officers & members of some 
churches, w*^^ have bene gathered ... in an vndue 
manner . . . it is . . . ordered that . . . this Court 
1 1635-6, March 3. 



30 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

doeth not, nor will hereafter, approue of any such com- 
panyes of men as shall henceforthe ioyne in any pre- 
tended way of church fellowshipp, without they shall 
first acquainte the magistrates, & the elders of the 
great' pte of the chui'ches in this jurisdicon, with 
their intencons, and have their approbacon herein. 
And ffurther, it is ordered, that noe pson, being a 
member of any churche which shall hereafter be gath- 
ered without the approbacon of the magistrates, & the 
greater pte of the said churches, shallbe admitted to 
the ffreedome of this comonwealthe." ^ 

In 1648 all the elders met in a synod at Cambridge ; 
they adopted the Westminster Confession of Faith 
and an elaborate " Platform of Church Discipline," 
the last clause of which is as follows : " If any church 
. . . shall grow schismatical, rending itself from the 
communion of other churches, or shall walk incor- 
rigibly and obstinately in any corrupt way of their 
own contrary to the rule of the word ; in such case 
the magistrate, ... is to put forth his coercive power, 
as the matter shall require." ^ 

In 1658 the General Court declared : " Whereas it 
is the duty of the Christian magistrate to take care 
the people be fed w*** wholesome & sound doctrine, & 
in this houre of temptation, ... it is therefore ordered, 
that henceforth no person shall . . . preach to any com- 
pany of people, whither in church society or not, or be 
ordeyned to the office of a teaching elder, where any 
two organnick churches, councill of state, or Generall 

1 Mass.Rec. i. 168. ^ Magnalia, bk. 5, ch. xviL § 9. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 31 

Court shall declare theire dissatisfaction thereat, either 
in refference to doctrine or practize . . . and in case 
of ordination . . . timely notice thereof shall be given 
unto three or fower of the neighbouring organieke 
churches for theire approbation." ^ And lastly, in 
1679, the building of meeting-houses was forbidden, 
without leave from the freemen of the town or the 
General Court.^ 

But legislation has never yet controlled the action of 
human thought. All experience shows that every age, 
and every western nation, produces men whose nature 
it is to follow the guidance of their reason in the face 
of every danger. To exterminate these is the task of 
religious persecution, for they can be silenced only by 
death. Thus is a dominant priesthood brought face 
to face with the alternative of surrendering its power 
or of killing the heretic, and those bloody deeds that 
cast their sombre shadow across the history of the 
Puritan Commonwealth cannot be seen in their true 
bearing unless the position of the clergy is vividly be- 
fore the mind. 

Cromwell said that ministers were " helpers of, 
not lords over, God's people," ^ but the orthodox New 
Englander was the vassal of his priest. Winthrop 
was the ablest and the most enlig-htened masistrate 
the ecclesiastical party ever had, and he tells us that 

^ Mass. Rec. iv. pt. 1, p. 328. 

2 Mass. Rec. v. 213. 

3 Cromwell to Dundass, letter cxlviii. Carlyle's Cromwell, 
iii. 72. 



32 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

" I honoured a faithful minister in my heart and could 
have kissed his feet." ^ If the governor of Massachu- 
setts and the leader of the emigration could thus de- 
scribe his moral growth, — a man of birth, education, 
and fortune, who had had wide experience of life, and 
was a lawyer by profession, — the awe and terror felt 
by the mass of the communicants can be imagined. 

Jonathan Mitchel, one of the most famous of the 
earlier divines, thus describes his flock : " They were 
a gracious, savoury-spirited people, principled by Mr. 
Shepard, liking an humbling, mourning, heart-break- 
ing ministry and spirit; living in religion, praying 
men and women." And " he would speak with such 
a transcendent majesty and liveliness, that the people 
. . . would often shake under his dispensations, as if 
they had heard the sound of the trumpets from the 
burning mountain, and yet they would mourn to think, 
that they were going presently to be dismissed from 
such an heaven upon earth." ..." When a publick 
admonition was to be dispensed unto any one that had 
offended scandalously . . . the hearers would be all 
drowned in tears, as if the admonition had been, as 
indeed he would with much artifice make it be di- 
rected unto them all ; but such would be the compas- 
sion, and yet the gravity, the majesty, the scriptural 
and awful pungency of these his dispensations, that 
the conscience of the offender himself, coidd make no 
resistance thereunto." ^ 

^ Life and Letters of Winthrop, i. 61. . 

2 Magnalia, bk. 4, ch. iv. §§ 9, 10. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 33 

Their arrogance was fed by the submission of the 
people, and they would not tolerate the slighest oppo- 
sition even from their most devoted retainers. The 
Reforming Synod was held in 1679. " When the re- 
port of a committee on ' the evils that had provoked 
the Lord ' came up for consideration, ' Mr. Wheelock 
declared that there was a cry of injustice in that 
magistrates and ministers were not rated ' (taxed), 
' which occasioned a very warm discourse. Mr. Stod- 
der ' (minister of Northampton) ' charged the deputy 
with saying what was not true, and the deputy gov- 
ernor ' (Danforth) ' told him he deserved to be laid 
by the heels, etc' 

''^ ' After we broke up, the deputy and several others 
went home with Mr. Stodder, and the deputy asked 
forgiveness of him and told him he freely forgave him, 
but Mr. Stodder was high.' The next day ' the deputy 
owned his being in too great a heat, and desired the 
Lord to forgive it, and Mr. Stodder did something, 
though very little, by the deputy.' " ^ Wheelock was 
lucky in not having to smart more severely for his 
temerity, for the unfortunate Ursula Cole was sen- 
tenced to pay <£5 ^ or be whipped for the lighter crime 
of saying " she had as lief hear a cat mew " ^ as Mr. 

1 Palfrey's History of New England, iii. 330, note 2. Extract 
from Journal of Rev. Peter Thacher. 

2 Five pounds was equivalent to a sum between one hundred 
and twenty-five and one hundred and fifty dollars now. Ursula 
was of course poor, or she would not have been sentenced to be 
whipped. The fine was therefore extremely heavy. 

8 Frothingham, History of Charlestovm, p. 208. 



34 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

Shepard preach. The daily services in the churches 
consumed so much time that they became a grievance 
with which the government was unable to cope. 

In 1633 the Court of Assistants, thinking " the 
keepeing of lectures att the ordinary howres nowe ob- 
serued in the forenoone, to be dyvers wayes peiudi- 
ciall to the comon good, both in the losse of a 
whole day, & bringing oth"" charges & troubles to the 
place where the lecture is kept," ordered that they 
should not begin before one o'clock.^ The evil still 
continued, for only the next year it was found that so 
many lectures " did spend too much time and proved 
overburdensome," and they were reduced to two a 
week.2 Notwithstanding these measures, relief was 
not obtained, because, as the legislature complained 
in 1639, lectures " were held till night, and sometimes 
within the night, so as such as dwelt far oft' could not 
get home in due season, and many weak bodies could 
not endure so long, in the extremity of the heat or cold, 
without great trouble and hazard of their health," ^ 
and a consultation between the elders and magistrates 
was suggested. 

But to have the delights of the pulpit abridged was 
more than the divines could bear. They declared 
roundly that their privileges were invaded ; * and the 
General Court had to give way. A few lines in Win- 
throp's Journal give an idea of the tax this loquacity 
must have been upon the time of a poor and scattered 

1 Mass. Rec. i. 110. ^ pelt's Eccl. Hist. i. 201. 

8 Winthrop, i. 324. * Idem, i. 325. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 35 

people. " Mr. Hooker being to preach at Cambridge, 
the governor and many others went to hear him. . . . 
He preached in the afternoon, and having gone on, 
with much strength of voice and intention of spirit, 
about a quarter of an hour, he was at a stand, and 
told the people that God had deprived him both of his 
strength and matter, &c. and so went forth, and about 
half an hour after returned again, and went on to 
very good purpose about two hours." ^ 

Common men could not have kept this hold upon 
the inhabitants of New England, but the clergy were 
learned, resolute, and able, and their strong but nar- 
row minds burned w itli fanaticism and love of power ; 
with their beliefs and under their temptations perse- 
cution seemed to them not only their most potent 
w^eapon, but a duty they owed to Christ — and that 
duty they unflinchingly performed. John Cotton, the 
most gifted among them, taught it as a holy work : 
" But the good that is brought to princes and subjects 
by the due punishment of apostate seducers and idol- 
aters and blasphemers is manifold. 

" First, it putteth away evill from the people and 
cutteth of¥ a gangreene, which would spread to further 
ungodlinesse. . . . 

" Secondl}'^, it driveth away wolves from w^orrying 
and scattering the sheep of Christ. For false teach- 
ers be wolves, . . . and the very name of wolves 
holdeth forth what benefit will redound to the sheep, 
by either killing them or driving them aw'ay. 
1 Winthrop, i. 304. 



36 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

" Thirdly, such executions upon such evill doers 
causeth all the country to heare and feare, and doe no 
more such wickednesse. . . . Yea as these punishments 
are preventions of like wickednesse in some, so are 
they wholesome medicines, to heale such as are curable 
of these eviles. . . . 

" Fourthly, the punishments executed upon false 
prophets and seducing teachers, doe bring downe 
showers of God's blessings upon the civill state. . . . 

" Fifthly, it is an honour to God's Justice that such 
judgments are executed. . . ." ^ 

All motives combined to drive them headlong into 
cruelty ; for in the breasts of the larger number, even 
the passion of bigotry was cool beside the malignant 
hate they felt for those whose opinions menaced their 
earthly power and dominion ; and they never wearied 
of exhorting the magistrates to destroy the enemies 
of the church. " Men's lusts are sweet to them, and 
they would not be disturbed or disquieted in their 
sin. Hence there be so many such as cry up tollera- 
tion boundless and libertinism so as (if it were in 
their power) to order a total and perpetual confine- 
ment of the sword of the civil magistrate unto its 
scabbard ; (a notion that is evidently distructive to 
this people, and to the publick liberty, peace, and 
prosperity of any instituted churches under heaven.)" ^ 

" Let the magistrates coercive power in matters of 

1 Bloody Tenent Washed, pp. 137, 138, 

2 Eye Salve, Election Sermon, by Mr. Shepard of Charles- 
town, p. 21. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 37 

religion (therefore) be still asserted, seing he is one 
who is bound to God more than any other men to 
cherish his true religion ; . . . and how wofull would 
the state of things soon be among us, if men might 
have liberty without coutroll to profess, or preach, or 
print, or publish what they list, tending to the seduc- 
tion of others." ^ Such feelings found their fit ex- 
pression in savage laws against dissenting sects ; these, 
however, will be dealt with hereafter; only those 
which illustrate the fundamental principles of the 
theocracy need be mentioned here. One chief cause 
of schism was the hearing of false doctrine ; and in 
order that the people might not be led into tempta- 
tion, but might on the contrary hear true exposition 
of the word, every inhabitant was obliged to attend 
the services of the established church upon the Lord's 
day under a penalty of fine or imprisonment ; the fine 
not to exceed 5s. (equal to about $5 now) for every 
absence.^ 

" If any christian so called . . . shall contemptu- 
ously behave himselfe toward y® word preached, or y® 
messeng"^ thereof called to dispence y® same in any 
congregation, ... or like a sonn of Corah cast upon 
his true doctrine or himselfe any reproach . . . shall 
for y® first scandole be convented . . . and bound to 
their good behaviour ; and if a second time they 
breake forth into y® like contemptuous carriages, 
either to pay £5 to y^ publike treasury or to stand 

^ Eye Salve, p. 38. 

« 1634-35, 4 March. Mass. Rec. i. 140. 



38 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

two honres oj)enly upon a block 4 foote high, on a 
lecture day, w*'* a pap fixed on his breast w*^ this, 
A AVanton Gospeller, written in capitall lett's y* 
oth''s may fear & be ashamed of breaking out into the 
like wickednes." ^ 

" Though no humane pow'" be Lord ov*" y® faith & 
consciences of men and therefore may not constraine 
y™ to beleeve or pfes ag^ their conscience, yet be- 
cause such as bring in damnable heresies tending to 
y® subversion of y® Christian faith . . . ought duely 
to be restrained fro™ such notorious impietj'^, if any 
christian . . . shall go about to subvert . . . y® Chris- 
tian faith, by broaching . . . any damnable heresy, 
as deniing y® imortality of y® soule, or y^ resurrection 
of y^ body, or any sinn to be repented of in y^ regen'- 
ate, or any evill done by y® outward man to be ac- 
counted sinn, or deniing y* Christ gave himselfe a ran- 
some for o' sinns ... or any oth' heresy of such 
nature & degree . . . shall pay to y® coin on treas- 
ury during y® first six months 20s. a month and for y® 
next six months 40s. p. m., and so to continue dureing 
his obstinacy ; and if any such pson shall endeav"^ to 
seduce others ... he shall forfeit . . . for every sev- 
erall offence . . . five pounds." ^ 

" For y^ honno' of y® aetaernall God, whome only 
wee worPP and serve," (it is ordered that) " no 
pson w"4n this jurisdicon, whether X*ian or pagan, 
shall wittingly and willingly psume to blaspheme his 

1 1646, 4 Nov. Mass. Rec. ii. 179. 

2 1646, 4 Nov. Mass. Rec. ii. 177. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 89 

holy name either by wilfull or obstinate denying y® 
true God, or rep'oach y® holy religion of God, as if it 
were but a polliticke devise to keepe ignorant men 
in awe, ... or deny his creation or gouni°* of y® 
world, or shall curse God, or shall vtter any other 
eminent kind of blasphemy, of y® like nature and de- 
gree ; if any pson or psons w*soeuer w^'^in our juris- 
dicon shall breake this lawe they shall be putt to 
death."! 

The special punishments for Antinomlans, Baptists, 
Quakers, and other sectaries were fine and imprison- 
ment, branding, whipping, mutilation, banishment, 
and hanging. Nor were the elders men to shrink 
from executing these laws with the same ferocious 
spirit in which they were enacted. Remonstrance 
and command were alike neglected. The Long Par- 
liament warned them to beware ; Charles II. repeat- 
edly ordered them to desist ; their trusted and dear- 
est friend, Sir Richard Saltonstall, wrote from London 
to Cotton : " It doth not a little grieve my sjiirit to 
heare what sadd things are reported dayly of your 
tyranny and persecution in New England, as that you 
fyne, whip, and imprison men for their consciences," ^ 
and told them their " rigid wayes have laid you very 
lowe in the hearts of the saynts." Thirteen of the 
most learned and eminent nonconforming ministers in 
England wrote to the governor of Massachusetts im- 
ploring him that he and the General Court would not 

1 Mass. Rcc. iii. 98. 

2 Hutch. Coll., Prince ed. ii. 127. 



40 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

by their violence " put an advantage into the hands of 
some who seek pretences and occasions against our 
liberty."-^ Winthrop, the wisest and ablest champion 
the clergy ever had, hung back. Like many another 
political leader, he was forced by his party into meas- 
ures from which his judgment and his heart recoiled. 
He tells us how, on a question arising between him and 
Mr. Haynes, the elders " delivered their several rea- 
sons which all sorted to this conclusion, that strict dis- 
cipline, both in criminal offences and in martial af- 
fairs, was more needful in plantations than in a settled 
state, as tending to the honor and safety of the gos- 
pel. Whereupon Mr. Winthrop acknowledged that 
he was convinced that he had failed in over much 
lenity and remissness, and would endeavor (by God's 
assistance) to take a more strict course thereafter." ^ 
But his better nature revolted from the foiJ task and 
once more regained ascendancy just as he sunk in 
death. For while he was lying very sick, Dudley 
came to his bedside with an order to banish a here- 
tic : " No,*' said the dying man, " I have done too 
much of that work already," and he would not sign 
the warrant.^ 

Nothing could avail, for the clergy held the state 
within their grasp, and shrank from no deed of blood 
to guard the interests of their order. 

The case of Gorton may serve as an example of a 
rigor that shocked even the Presbyterian Baillie ; it 

1 Magnolia, bk. 7, eh. iv. § 4. ^ Winthrop, i. 178. 

8 Life and Letters of Winthrop, ii. 393. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 41 

must be said in explanation of his story that the mag- 
istrates condemned Gorton and his friends to death 
for the crime of heresy in obedience to the unanimous 
decision of the elders,^ but the deputies refusing to 
concur, the sentence of imprisonment in irons during 
the pleasure of the General Court was agreed upon 
as a compromise. " Only they in New England are 
more strict and rigid than we, or any church, to sup- 
press, by the power of the magistrate, all who are not 
of their way, to banishment ordinarily and presently 
even to death lately, or perpetual slavery ; for one 
Jortin, sometime a famous citizen here for piety, hav- 
ing taught a number in New England to cast off the 
word and sacrament, and deny angels and devils, and 
teach a gross kind of union with Christ in this life, by 
force of arms was brought to New Boston, and there 
with ten of the chief of his followers, by the civil 
court was discerned perpetual slaves, but the votes of 
many were for their execution. They lie in irons, 
though gentlemen ; and out of their prison write to 
the admiral here, to deal with the parliament for their 
deliverance." ^ 

Like all phenomena of nature, the action of the 
mind is obedient to law ; the cause is followed by the 
consequence with the precision that the earth moves 
round the sun, and impelled by this resistless power 
his destiny is wrought out by man. To the ecclesias- 
tic a deep debt of gratitude is due, for it was by his 
effort that the first step from barbarism was made. 

1 Winthrop, ii. 146. 2 Baillie's Letters, ii. 17, 18. 



42 THE COMMONWEALTH. 

In the world's childhood, knowledge seems divine, and 
those who first acquire its rudiments claim, and are 
believed, to have received it by revelation from the 
gods. In an archaic age the priest is likewise the law- 
giver and the physician, for all erudition is concen- 
trated in one supremely favored class — the sacred 
caste. Their discoveries ai*e kept profoundly secret, 
and yet to perpetuate their mysteries among their 
descendants they found schools which are the only re- 
positories of learning ; but the time must inevitably 
come when this order is transformed into the deadliest 
enemy of the civilization which it has brought into be- 
ing. The power of the spiritual oligarchy rests upon 
superstitious terrors which dwindle before advancing 
enlightenment ; hence the clergy have become reaction- 
ary, have sought to stifle the spirit of free inquiry, 
and have used the schools which they have builded 
as instruments to keep alive unreasoning prejudice, 
or to serve their selfish ends. This, then, has been 
the fiercest battle of mankind ; the heroic struggle 
to break down the sacerdotal barrier, to popularize 
knowledge, and to liberate the mind, began ages be- 
fore the crucifixion upon Calvary ; it still goes on. 
In this cause the noblest and the bravest have poured 
forth their blood like water, and the path to freedom 
has been heaped with the corpses of her martyrs. 

In that tremendous drama Massachusetts has played 
her part ; it may be said to have made her intellectual 
life ; and it is the passion of the combat which gives 
an interest at once so sombre and so romantic to her 
story. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. 48 

In the tempest of the Reformation a handful of the 
sternest rebels were cast upon the bleak New England 
coast, and the fervor of that devotion which led them 
into the wilderness inspired them with the dream of 
reproducing the institutions of God's chosen people, a 
picture of which they believed was divinely preserved 
for their guidance in the Bible. What they did in 
reality was to surrender their new commonwealth to 
their priests. Yet they were a race in whose bone and 
blood the spirit of free thought was bred ; the impulse 
which had goaded them to reject the Roman dogmas 
was quick within them still, and revolt against the ec- 
clesiastical yoke was certain. The clergy upon their 
side trod their appointed path with the precision of 
machines, and, constrained by an inexorable destiny, 
they took that position of antagonism to liberal 
thought which has become typical of their order. 
And the struggles and the agony by which this poor 
and isolated community freed itself from its gloomy 
bondage, the means by which it secularized its educa- 
tion and its government, won for itself the blessing of 
free thought and speech, and matured a system of 
constitutional liberty which has been the foundation 
of the American Union, rise in dignity to one of the 
supreme efforts of mankind. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE ANTINOMIANS. 

Habit may be defined with enough accuracy for 
ordinary purposes as the result of reflex action, or 
the immediate response of the nerves to a stimulus, 
without the intervention of consciousness. Many bod- 
ily functions are naturally reflex, and most move- 
ments may be made so by constant repetition ; they 
are then executed independently of the will. It is no 
exaggeration to say that the social fabric rests on the 
control this tendency exerts over the actions of men ; 
and its strength is strikingly exemplified in armies, 
which, when well organized, are machines, wherein 
subjection to command is instinctive, and insubordi- 
nation, therefore, practically impossible. 

An analogous phenomenon is presented by the 
church, whose priests have intuitively exhausted their 
ingenuity in weaving webs of ceremonial, as soldiers 
have directed their energies to perfecting manuals of 
arms ; and the evidence leads to the conclusion that 
increasing complexity of ritual indicates a densening 
ignorance and a deepening despotism. The Hindoos, 
the Spaniards, and the English are tj-pes of the pro- 
gression. 

Within the historic ages unnumbered methods of 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 45 

sacerdotal discipline have been evolved, but whether 
the means used to compass the end has been the be- 
wildering maze of a Levitical code, or the rosary and 
the confessional of Rome, the object has always been 
to reduce the devotee to the implicit obedience of the 
trooper. And the stupendous power of these amaz- 
ingly perfect systems for destroying the capacity for 
original thought cannot be fully realized until the 
mind has been brought to dwell upon the fact that 
the greatest eras of human progress have begun with 
the advent of those who have led successful insur- 
rection ; nor can the dazzling genius of these brilliant 
exceptions be appreciated, unless it be remembered 
how infinitely small has been the number of those 
among mankind who, having been once drilled to 
rigid conformity, have not lapsed into automatism, 
but have been endowed with the mental energy to re- 
volt. On the other hand, though ecclesiastics have 
differed widely in the details of the training they have 
enfoi-ced upon the faithful, they have agreed upon this 
cardinal principle : they have uniformly seized upon 
the education of the young, and taught the child to 
revere the rites in which he was made to partake 
before he could reason upon their meaning, for they 
understood well that the habit of abject submission to 
authority, when firmly rooted in infancy, would ripen 
into a second nature in after years, and would almost 
invariably last till death. 

But this manual of religion, this deadening of 
the soul by making mechanical prayers and genu- 



46 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

flexions the gauge of piety, has always roused the 
deepest indignation in the great reformers ; and, un- 
appalled by the most ghastly perils, they have never 
ceased to exhort mankind to cast off the slavery of 
custom and emancipate the mind. Christ rebuked 
the Pharisees because they rejected the command- 
ment of God to keep their own tradition ; Paul pro- 
claimed that men should be justified by faith without 
the deeds of the law; and Luther preached that the 
Christian was free, that the soul did not live because 
the body wore vestments or prayed with the lips, and 
he denounced the tyranny of the clergy, who arrogated 
to themselves a higher position than others who were 
Christian in the spirit. On their side priesthoods 
know these leaders of i^ebellion by an unerring in- 
stinct and pursue them to the death. 

The ministers of New England were formalists to 
the core, and the society over which they dominated 
was organized upon the avowed basis of the manifes- 
tation of godliness in the outward man. The sad 
countenance, the Biblical speech, the sombre garb, the 
austere life, the attendance at worship, and, above all, 
the unfailing deference paid to themselves, were the 
marks of sanctification by which the elders knew the 
saints on earth, for whom they were to open the path 
to fortune by making them members of the church. 

Happily for Massachusetts, there has never been 
a time when all her children could be docile under 
such a rule ; and, among her champions of freedom, 
none have been braver than those who have sprung 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 47 

from the ranks of her ministry, as the fate of Roger 
"Williams had already proved. In such a community, 
before the ecclesiastical power had been solidified 
by time, only a spark was needed to kindle a confla- 
gration, and that spark was struck by a woman. 

So early as 1634 a restless spirit was abroad, for 
Winthrop was then set aside, and now, in 1636, 
young Henry Vane was enthusiastically elected gov- 
ernor, though he was only twenty-four, and had been 
but a few months in the colony. The future seemed 
bright and serene, yet he had hardly taken office be- 
fore the storm burst, which not only overthrew him, 
but was destined to destroy that unhappy lady whom 
the Rev. Thomas Welde called the American Jezebel.^ 

John Cotton, the former rector of St. Botolph's, 
was the teacher of the Boston church. By common 
consent the leader of the clergy, he was the most brill- 
iant, and, in some respects, the most powerful man 
in the colony. Two years before, Anne Hutchinson, 
with all her family, had followed him from her home 
in Lincolnshire into the wilderness, for, "when our 
teacher came to New England, it was a great trou- 
ble unto me, my brother. Wheelwright, being put by 
also." 2 A gentlewoman of spotless life, with a kind 
and charitable heart, a viirorous understandingf and 
dauntless courage, her failings were vanity and a bit- 

^ Opinions are divided as to the authorship of the Short Story, 
but I conclude from internal evidence that the ending at least 
was written by Mr. Welde. 

" Hutch. Hist. u. 440. 



48 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

ter tongue toward those whom she disliked.^ Unfortu- 
nately also for herself, she was one of the enthusiasts 
who believe themselves subject to divine revelations, 
for this pretension would probably in any event have 
brought upon her the displeasure of the church. It 
is worth while to attempt some logical explanation of 
the dislike felt by the Massachusetts elders to any sug- 
gestion of such supernatural interposition. The half- 
unconscious train of reasoning on which they based 
their claim to exact implicit obedience from the peo- 
ple seems, when analyzed, to yield this syllogism: All 
revelation is contained in the Bible ; but to interpret 
the ancient sacred writings with authority, a techni- 
cal training is essential, which is confined to priests ; 
therefore no one can define God's will who is not of 
the ministry. Had the possibility of direct revelation 
been admitted this reasoning must have fallen ; for 
then, obviously, the word of an inspired peasant would 
have outweighed the sermon of an uninspired divine ; 
it follows, necessarily, that ecclesiastics so situated 
would have been jealous of lay preaching, and abso- 
lutely intolerant of the inner light. 

In May, 1636, the month of Yane's election, 
Mrs. Hutchinson had been joined by her brother-in- 
law, John Wheelwright, the deprived vicar of Bilsby. 
Her social influence was then at its height ; her ami- 
able disposition had made her popular, and for some 
time past she had held religious meetings for women 
at her house. The ostensible object of these gather- 
1 Cotton, M^ay of New England Churches, p. 52. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 49 

ings was to recapitulate the sermons of the week ; but 
the step from discussion to criticism was short, and it 
soon began to be said that she east reproach " upon 
the ministers, . . . saying that none of them did 
preach the covenant of free grace, but Master Cotton, 
and that they have not the scale of the Spirit, and so 
were not able ministers of the New Testament." ^ Or, 
to use colloquial language, she accused the clergy of 
being teachers of forms, and said that, of them all. 
Cotton alone appealed to the animating spirit like 
Luther or St. Paul. 

" A company of legall professors," quoth she, " lie 
poring on the law which Christ hath abolished." ^ 

Such freedom of speech was, of course, intolerable ; 
and so, as Cotton was implicated by her imprudent 
talk, the elders went to Boston in a body in October 
to take him to task. In the hope of adjusting the 
difficulty, he suggested a friendly meeting at his 
house, and an interview took place. At first Mrs. 
Hutchinson, with much prudence, declined to commit 
herself ; but the Rev. Hugh Peters besought her so 
earnestly to deal frankly and openly with them that 
she, confiding in the sacred character of a confidential 
conversation with clergymen in the house of her own 
religious teacher, committed the fatal error of ad- 
mitting that she saw a wide difference between Mr. 
Cotton's ministry and theirs, and that they coiUd not 
preach a covenant of grace so clearly as he, because 

1 Short Story, p. 36. 

^ Wonder-Working Providence, Poole's ed. p. 102. 



60 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

they had not the seal of the Spirit. The progress of 
the new opinion was rapid, and it is clear Mrs. Hutch- 
inson had only given expression to a feeling of discon- 
tent which was both wide-spread and deep. Before 
winter her adherents, or those who condemned the 
covenant of works, — in modern language, the liberals, 
— had become an organized political party, of which 
Vane was the leader ; and here lay their first danger. 

Notwithstanding his eminent ability, he was then 
but a boy, and the task was beyond his strength. The 
stronghold of his party was Boston, where, except 
some half-dozen,^ the whole congregation followed him 
and Cotton : yet even here he met with the powerful 
opposition of Winthrop and the pastor, John Wilson. 
In the country he was confronted by the solid body 
of the clergy, whose influence proved sufficient to hold 
together a majority of the voters in substantially all 
the towns, so that the conservatives never lost control 
of the legislature. 

The position was harassing, and his nerves gave 
way under the strain. In December he called a court 
and one day suddenly announced that he had received 
letters from England requiring his immediate return ; 
but when some of his friends remonstrated he " brake 
forth into tears and professed that, howsoever the 
causes propounded for his departure were such as did 
concern the utter ruin of his outward estate, yet he 
would rather have hazarded all" . . . "but for the 
danger he saw of God's judgment to come upon us 

1 Winthrop, i. 212. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 61 

for these differences and dissensions which he saw 
amongst us, and the scandalous imputations brought 
upon himself, as if he should be the cause of all." ^ 

Such a flight was out of the question. The weight 
of his name and the protection given his supporters 
by the power of his family in England could not be 
dispensed with, and therefore the Boston congregation 
intervened. After a day's reflection he seems himself 
to have become convinced that he had gone too far 
to recede, so he " expressed himself to be an obedient 
child to the church and therefore . . . durst not go 
away." ^ 

That a young and untried man like Vane should 
have grown weary of his office and longed to escape 
will astonish no one who is familiar with the charac- 
ter and the mode of warfare of his adv^ersaries. 

In that society a layman could not retort upon a 
minister who insulted him, nor could Vane employ the 
arguments with which Cromwell so effectually silenced 
the Scotch divines. The following is a specimen of 
the treatment to which he was probably almost daily 
subjected, and the scene in this instance was the more 
mortifying because it took place before the assembled 
legislature. 

" The ministers had met a little before and had 
drawn into heads all the points wherein they sus- 
pected Mr. Cotton did differ from them, and had pro- 
pounded them to him, and pressed him to a direct 
answer ... to every one ; which he had promised. 

1 Winthrop, i. 207. ^ /^^^^ i. 208. 



52 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

. . . This meeting being spoke of in the court the 
day before, the governour took great offence at it, 
as being without his privity, &e., which this day Mr. 
Peter told him as plainly of (with all due reverence), 
and how it had sadded the ministers' spirits, that he 
should be jealous of their meetings, or seem to re- 
strain their liberty, &c. The governour excused his 
speech as sudden and upon a mistake. Mr. Peter 
told him also, that before he came, within less than 
two years since, the churches were in peace. . . . Mr. 
Peter also besought him humbly to consider his youth 
and short experience in the things of God, and to be- 
ware of peremptory conclusions which he perceived 
him to be very apt unto." ^ This coarse bully was the 
same Hugh Peters of whom Whitelock afterward com- 
plained that he often advised him, though he "under- 
stood little of the law, but was very opinionative," ^ 
and who was so terrified at the approach of death 
that on his way to the scaffold he had to drink liquor 
to keep from fainting.^ 

" Mr. Wilson " also " made a very sad speech to the 
General Court of the condition of our churches, and 
the inevitable danger of separation, if these differ- 
ences . . . were not speedily remedied, and laid the 
blame upon these new opinions . . . which all the 
magistrates except the governour and two others did 
confirm and all the ministers but two." * Those two 
were John Cotton and John Wheelwright, the preach- 
ers of the covenant of grace. 

1 Winthrop, i. 209. ^ Memorials, p. 521. 

8 Burnet, i. 162. * Winthrop, i. 209. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 53 

Their brethren might well make sad speeches, for 
their cup of bitterness was full ; but they must be 
left to describe for themselves the tempest of fear and 
wrath that raged within them. " Yea, some that had 
beene begotten to Christ by some of their faithfull 
labours in this land " (England, where the tract was 
published,) " for whom they could have laid downe 
their lives, and not being able to beare their absence 
followed after them thither to New England to enjoy 
their labours, yet these falling acquainted with those 
seducers, were suddenly so altered in their affections 
toward those their spirituall fathers, that they would 
neither heare them, nor willingly come in their com- 
pany, professing they had never received any good 
from them." . . . "Now the faithfull ministers of 
Christ must have dung cast on their faces . . . must 
be pointed at as it were with the finger, and reproached 
by name, such a church officer is an ignorant man, 
and knows not Christ ; such an one is under a cov- 
enant of works : such a pastor is a proud man, and 
would make a good persecutor ... so that through 
these reproaches occasion was given to men, to ab- 
horre the offerings of the Lord." ^ 

" Now, one of them in a solemne convention of min- 
isters dared to say to their faces, that they did not 
preach the Covenant of Free Grace, and that they 
themselves had not the scale of the Spirit. . . . Now, 
after our sermons wei*e ended at our publike lectures, 
you might have scene halfe a dozen pistols discharged 
1 Welde's Short Story, Pref. §§ 7-11. 



64 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

at the face of the preacher (I meane) so many objec- 
tions made by the opinionists in the open assembly 
aoainst our doctrine ... to the marvellous weaken- 
ing of holy truths delivered ... in the hearts of all 
the weaker sort." ^ 

John Wheelwright was a man whose character ex- 
torts our admiration, if it does not win our love. The 
personal friend of Cromwell and of Vane, with a mind 
vigorous and masculine, and a courage stern and de- 
termined even above the Puritan standard of resolu- 
tion and of daring, he spoke the truth which was within 
him, and could neither be intimidated nor cajoled. 
In October an attempt had been made to have him 
settled as a teacher of the Boston church in conjunc- 
tion with Wilson and Cotton, but it had miscarried 
through Winthrop's opposition, and he had afterward 
taken charge of a congregation that had been gathered 
at Mount WoUaston, in what is now Quincy. 

On the 19th of January a fast was held on account 
of the public dissensions, and on that day Wheel- 
wright preached a great sermon in Boston which brought 
on the crisis. He was afterward accused of sedition : 
the charge was false, for he did not utter one se- 
ditious word ; but he did that which was harder to 
forgive, he struck at what he deemed the wrong with 
his whole might, and those who will patiently pore 
over his pages until they see the fire glowing through 
his rugged sentences will feel the power of his blow. 
And what he told his hearers was in substance this : 
1 Welde's Short Story, Pref. §§ 7-11. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 66 

It raaketh no matter how seemingly holy men be ac- 
cording to the law, if . . . they are such as trust to 
their own righteousness they shall die, saith the Lord. 
Do ye not after their works ; for they say and do 
not. They make broad their phylacteries and en- 
large the borders of their garments ; and love the up- 
permost rooms at feasts, and the chief seats in the 
synagogues ; and greetings in the market place and to 
be called of men. Rabbi, Rabbi. But believe on the 
Lord Jesus Christ, and ye shall be saved, for being 
justified by faith we have peace with God through our 
Lord Jesus Christ. And the way we must take if so 
be we will not have the Lord Jesus Christ taken from 
us is this, we must all prepare a spiritual combat, we 
must put on the whole armor of God, and must have 
our loins girt up and be ready to fight, . . . because 
of fear in the night if we will not fight the Lord Jesus 
Christ may come to be surprised. 

And when his brethren heard it they sought how 
they might destroy him ; for they feared him, because 
all the people were astonished at his doctrine. 

In March the legislature met, and Wheelwright was 
arraigned before a court composed, according to the ac- 
count of the Quaker Groom, of Henry Vane, " twelve 
magistrates, twelve priests, & thirty-three deputies." ^ 
His sermon was produced, and an attempt was made 
to obtain an admission that by those under a covenant 
of works he meant his brethren. But the accused 
was one whom it was hard to entrap and impossible 
^ Groom's Glass for New England, p. 6. 



66 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

to frighten. He defied his judges to controvert his 
doctrine, offering to prove it by the Scrijjtures, and 
as for the application he answered that " if he were 
shown any that walked in such a way as he had 
described to be a covenant of works, them did he 
mean." ^ Then the rest of the elders were asked if 
they " did walk in such a way, and they all acknowl- 
edged they did," ^ excepting John Cotton, who declared 
that " brother Wheelwright's doctrine was according 
to God in the parts controverted, and wholly and alto- 
gether.*' ^ He received ecclesiastical justice. There 
was no jury, and the popular assembly that decided 
law and fact by a partisan vote was controlled by his 
adversaries. Yet even so, a verdict of sedition was 
such a flagrant outrage that the clergy found it impos- 
sible to command prompt obedience. For two days 
the issue was in doubt, but at length " the priests got 
two of the magistrates on their side, and so got the 
major part with them."^ They appear, however, to 
have felt too weak to proceed to sentence, for the pris- 
oner was remanded until the next session. 

No sooner was the judgment made known than more 
than sixty of the most respected citizens of Boston 
signed a petition to the court in Wheelwright's behalf. 
In respectful and even submissive language they 
pointed out the danger of meddling with the right of 

1 Wheelwright, Prince Society, p. 17, note 27. 

2 Winthrop, i. 215. AMieelwright, p. 18. 
8 Groom's Glass for New England, p. 7. 

* Felt's Ecd HkL ii. 611. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 67 

free speech. " Paul was counted a pestilent fellow, or 
a moover of sedition, and a ringleader of a sect, . . . 
and Christ himselfe, as well as Paul, was charged to 
bee a teacher of New Doctrine. . . . Now wee beseech 
you, consider whether that old serpent work not after 
his old method, even in our daies." ^ 

The charge of sedition made against them they re- 
pudiated in emphatic words, which deserve attention, 
as they were afterwards held to be criminal. 

" Thirdly, if you look at the effects of his doctrine 
upon the hearers, it hath not stirred up sedition in us, 
not so much as by accident ; wee have not drawn the 
sword, as sometimes Peter did, rashly, neither have wee 
rescued our innocent brother, as sometimes the Israel- 
ites did Jonathan, and yet they did not seditiously. 
The covenant of free grace held forth by our brother 
hath taught us rather to become humble suppliants 
to your worships, and if wee should not prevaile, wee 
would rather with patience give our cheekes to the 
smiters." ^ 

The liberal feeling ran so strongly in Boston that 
the conservatives thought it prudent to remove the 
government temporarily to Cambridge, that they might 
more easily control the election which was to come in 
May. Vane, with some petulance, refused to enter- 
tain the motion ; but Endicott put the question, and it 
was carried. As the time drew near the excitement 
increased, the clergy straining every nerve to bring up 

* Wheelwright, Prince Society, p. 21. 

* Idem. 



68 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

their voters from the country ; and on the morning of 
the day the feeling was so intense that the Rev. Mr. 
Wilson, forgetting his dignity and his age, scrambled 
up a tree and harangued the people from its branches.^ 

Yet, though the freemen were so deeply moved, 
there was no violence, and Winthrop was peaceably 
elected governor, with a strong conservative majority 
in the legislature. It so happened that just at this 
time a number of the friends of Wheelwright and the 
Hutchinsons were on their way from England to set- 
tle in Massachusetts. The first act of the new gov- 
ernment was to exclude these new-comers by passing 
a law forbidding any town to entertain strangers for 
more than three weeks without the consent of two of 
the magistrates. 

This oppressive statute caused such discontent that 
Winthrop thought it necessary to publish a defence, to 
which Vane replied and Winthrop rejoined. The con- 
troversy would long since have lost its interest had it 
not been for the theory then first advanced by Win- 
throp, that the corporation of Massachusetts, having 
bought its land, held it as though it were a private 
estate, and might exclude whom they pleased there- 
from ; and ever since this plea has been set up in jus- 
tification of every excess committed by the theocracy. 

Winthrop was a lawyer, and it is but justice to his 
reputation to presume that he spoke as a partisan, 
knowing his argument to be fallacious. As a legal 
proposition he must have been aware that it was un- 
sound. 

1 Hutch. Hist. i. 62, note. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 69 

Although during the reign of Charles I. monopolies 
were a standing grievance with the House of Commons, 
yet they had been granted and enforced for centuries; 
and had Massachusetts claimed the right to exclude 
strangers as interlopers in trade, she would have stood 
upon good precedent. Such, however, was not her con- 
tention. The legislation against the friends of Wheel- 
wright was passed avowedly upon grounds of religious 
difference of opinion, and a monopoly in religion was 
unknown. 

Her commercial privileges alone were exclusive, and, 
provided he respected them, a British subject had the 
same right to dwell in Massachusetts as in any of the 
other dominions of the crown, or, indeed, in any borough 
which held its land by grant, like Plymouth. To sub- 
ject Englishmen to restriction or punishment unknown 
to English law was as outrageous as the same act 
would have been had it been perpetrated by the city 
of London, — both corporations having a like power 
to preserve the peace by local ordinances, and both be- 
ing controlled by the law of the land as administered 
by the courts. Such arguments as those advanced by 
"Winthrop were only solemn quibbliug to cloak an 
indefensible policy. To banish freemen for demand- 
ing liberty of conscience was a still more flagrant 
wi'ong. A precisely parallel case would have been 
presented had the directors of the East India Com- 
pany declared the membership of a proprietor to be 
forfeited, and ordered his stock to be sold, because 
he disapproved of enforcing conformity in worship 
among inhabitants of the factories in Hindostan. 



60 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

Vane sailed early in August, and his departure 
cleared the last barrier from the way of vengeance. 
Proceedings were at once begun by a synod of all the 
ministers, which was held at Cambridge, for the jjur- 
pose of restoring peace to the churches. " There were 
about eighty opinions, some blasphemous, others er- 
roneous, and all unsafe, condemned by the whole as- 
sembly. . . . Some of the church of Boston . . . were 
offended at the producing of so many errors, . . . 
and called to have the persons named which held those 
errors." To which the elders answered that all those 
opinions could be proved to be held by some, but it 
was not thought fit to name the parties. "Yet this 
would not satisfy some but they oft called for wit- 
nesses ; and because some of the magistrates declared 
to them . . . that if they would not forbear it would 
prove a civil disturbance . . . they objected. ... So 
as he " (probably meaning Winthrop) " was forced to 
tell one of them that if he would not forbear ... he 
might see it executed. Upon this some of Boston de- 
parted from the assembly and came no more." ^ Once 
freed from their repinings all went well, and their 
pastor, Mr. Wilson, soon had the satisfaction of send- 
ing their reputed heresies " to the devil of hell from 
whence they came." ^ Cotton, seeing that all was lost, 
hastened to make his peace by a submission which the 
Rev. Mr. Hubbard of Ipswich describes with uncon- 
scious cynicism. "• If he were not convinced, yet he 

» Winthrop, i. 238. 

2 Magnolia, bk, 3, ch. iii. § 13. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 61 

was persuaded to an amicable compliance with the 
other ministers ; . . . for, although it was thought he 
did still retain his own sense and enjoy his own appre- 
hension in all or most of the things then controverted 
(as is manifest by some expressions of his . . . since 
that time published," . . .) yet. " By that means did 
that reverend and worthy minister of the gospel re- 
cover his former splendour throughout . . . New Eng- 
land." 1 

He was not a sensitive man, and having once deter- 
mined to do penance, he was far too astute a politician 
to do it by halves ; he not only gave himself up to the 
task of detecting the heterodoxy of his old friends,^ 
but on a day of solemn fasting he publicly professed 
repentance with many tears, and told how, " God leav- 
ing him for a time, he fell into a spirituall slumber ; 
and had it not been for the watchfulnesse of his 
brethren, the elders, &c., hee might have slept on, 
. . . and was very thankfull to his brethren for their 
watchfulnesse over him." ^ Nor to the end of his life 
did he feel quite at ease ; " yea, such was his ingenuity 
and piety as that his soul was not satisfied without 
often breaking forth into affectionate bewailing of his 
infirmity herein, in the publick assembly, sometimes 
in his prayer, sometimes in his sermon, and that with 
tears."* 

Wheelwright was made of sterner stuff, and was in- 

1 Hubbard, p. 302. 2 Winthrop, i. 253. 

8 Hypocrisie Unmasked, p. 76. 
* Norton's Funeral Sermon, p. 37. 



62 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

flexible. In fact, however, the difference of dogma, if 
any existed, was trivial. The clergy used the cry of 
heresy to excite odium, just as they called their oppo- 
nents Antinomians, or dangerous fanatics. To support 
these accusations the synod gravely accepted every un- 
savory inference which ingenuity could wring from the 
tenets of their adversaries ; and these, together with the 
fables invented by idle gossip, made up the long list 
of errors they condemned. Though the scheme was 
unprincipled, it met with complete success, and the 
Antinomians have come down to posterity branded as 
deadly enemies of Christ and the commonwealth; yet 
nothing is more certain than that they were not only 
good citizens, but substantially orthodox. On such a 
point there is no one among the conservatives whose 
testimony has the weight of Winthrop's, who says : 
" Mr. Cotton . . . stated the differences in a very nar- 
row scantling; and Mr. Shepherd, preaching at the 
day of election, brought them yet nearer, so as, except 
men of good understanding, and such as knew the 
bottom of the tenents of those of the other party, few 
could see where the difference was." ^ While Cotton 
himself complains bitterly of the falsehoods spread 
about him and his friends : " But when some of . . . 
the elders of neighbour churches advertised me of the 
evill report . . . I . . . dealt with Mrs. Hutchinson and 
others of them, declaring to them the erroneousnesse 
of those tenents, and the injury done to myself in fa- 
thering them upon mee. Both shee and they utterly 
1 Winthrop, i. 221, 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 68 

denyed that they held such tenents, or that they had 
fathered them upon mee. I returned their answer to 
the elders, . . . They answered me they had but one 
witnesse, . . . and that one loth to be known." . . .^ 
Moreover, it is a remarkable fact that, notwithstanding 
the advantage it would have given the reactionists to 
have been able to fix subversive opinions upon their 
prominent opponents, it was found impossible to prove 
heresy in a single case which was brought to trial. The 
legislature chosen in May was apparently unfit for the 
work now to be done, for the extraordinary step of a 
dissolution was decided on, and a new election held, un- 
der circumstances in which it was easy to secure the 
return of suitable candidates. The session opened on 
November 2, and Wheelwright was summoned to ap- 
pear. He was ordered to submit, or prepare for sen- 
tence. He replied that he was guilty of neither sedition 
nor contempt ; that he had preached only the truth of 
Christ, the application of which was for others, not 
for him. " To which it was answered by the court 
that they had not censured his doctrine, but left it as 
it was ; but his application, by which hee laid the mag- 
istrates and ministers and most of the people of God 
in these churches under a covenant of works." ^ The 
prisoner was then sentenced to be disfranchised and 
banished. He demanded an appeal to the king ; it 
was refused ; and he was given fourteen days to leave 
Massachusetts. So he went forth alone in the bit- 

1 Cotton, Way of New England Churches, pp. 39, 40. 

2 Short Story, p. 24, 



64 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

ter winter weather and journeyed to the Piscataqua, 
— yet " it was marvellous he got thither at that 
time, when they expelled him, by reason of the deep 
snow in which he might have perished."^ Nor was 
banishment by any means the trivial penalty it has 
been described. On the contrary, it was a punish- 
ment of the utmost rigor. The exiles were forced sud- 
denly to dispose of their property, which, in those 
times, was mostly in houses and land, and go forth 
among the savages with helpless women and children. 
Such an ordeal might well appall even a brave man; 
but Wheelwright was sacrificing his intellectual life. 
He was leaving books, friends, and the mental activ- 
ity, which made the world to him, to settle in the 
forests among backwoodsmen ; and yet even in this 
desolate solitude the theocracy continued to pursue 
him with persevering hate. 

But there were others beside Wheelwright who had 
sinned, and some pretext had to be devised by which 
to reach them. The names of most of his friends 
were upon the petition that had been drawn up after 
his trial. It is true it was a proceeding with which 
the existing legislature was not concerned, since it had 
been presented to one of its predecessors ; it is also 
true that probably never, before or since, have men 
who have protested they have not drawn the sword 
rashly, but have come as humble suppliants to offer 
their cheeks to the smiters, been held to be public 
enemies. Such scruples, however, never hampered 

^ Wheelwright, Prince Society. Mercurius Americanus, p. 24. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 65 

the theocracy. Their justice was trammelled neither 
by judges, by juries, nor by laws ; the petition was 
declared to be a seditious libel, and the petitioners 
were given their choice of disavowing their act and 
making humble submission, or exile. 

Aspinwall was at once disfranchised and banished.^ 
Coddington, Coggeshall, and nine more were given 
leave to depart within three months, or abide the 
action of the court ; others were disfranchised ; and 
fifty-eight of the less prominent of the party were 
disarmed in Boston alone.^ 

Thus were the early liberals crushed in Massachu- 
setts ; the bold were exiled, the timid were terrified ; 
as a political organization they moved no more till the 
theocracy was tottering to its fall ; and for forty years 
the power of the clergy was absolute in the land. 

The fate of Anne Hutchinson makes a fit ending to 
this sad tale of oppression and of wrong. In Novem- 
ber, 1637, when her friends were crushed, and the tri- 
umphant priests felt that their victim's doom was sure, 
she was brought to trial before that ghastliest den of 
human iniquity, an ecclesiastical criminal court. The 
ministers were her accusers, who came burning with 
hate to testify to the words she had spoken to them at 
their own request, in the belief that the confidence she 
reposed was to be held sacred. She had no jury to 
whose manhood she could appeal, and John Winthrop, 
to his lasting shame, was to prosecute her from the 
judgment seat. She was soon to become a mother, 

1 Mass. Rec. i. 207. 2 Idem, i. 223. 



66 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

and her health was feeble, but she was made to stand 
till she was exhausted ; and yet, abandoned and for- 
lorn, before those mei-ciless judges, through two long, 
weary days of hunger and of cold, the intrepid woman 
defended her cause with a skill and courage which even 
now, after two hundred and fifty years, kindles the 
heart with admiration. The case for the government 
was opened by John Winthrop, the presiding justice, 
the attorney - general, the foreman of the jury, and 
the chief magistrate of Massachusetts Bay. He up- 
braided the prisoner with her many evil courses, with 
having spoken things prejudicial to the honor of the 
ministers, with holding an assembly in her house, and 
with divulging the opinions held by those who had 
been censured by that court ; closing in these words, 
which sound strangely in the mouth of a New England 
judge : — 

We have thoxight good to send for you . . . that 
if you be in an erroneous way we may reduce you 
that so you may become a profitable member here 
among us, otherwise if you be obstinate . . . that then 
the court may take such course that you may trouble 
us no further, therefore I would entreat you . . . 
whether you do not justify Mr. Wheelwright's sermon 
and the petition. 

31rs. H. I am called here to answer before you, 
but I hear no things laid to my charge. 

Gov. I have told you some already, and more I 
can tell you. 

Mr&. H. Name one, sir. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 67 

Gov. Have I not named some already ? 

Mrs. II. What have I said or doue ? . . . 

Gon. You have joined with them in the faction. 

Mrs. H. In what faction have I joined with them ? 

Gov. In presenting the petition. . . . 

Mrs. H. But I had not my hand to the petition. 

Gov. You have counselled them. 

Mrs.H. Wherein? 

Gov. Why, in entertaining them. 

Mrs. H. What breach of law is that, sir? 

Gov. Why, dishonoring of parents. . . . 

Mrs. H. I may put honor upon them as the chil- 
dren of God and as they do honor the Lord. 

Gov. We do not mean to discourse with those of 
your sex but only this ; you do adhere unto them, and 
do endeavor to set forward this faction, and so you do 
dishonor us. 

Mrs. H. I do acknowledge no such thing, neither 
do I think that I ever put any dishonor upon you. 

And, on the whole, the chief justice broke down 
so hopelessly in his examination, that the deputy 
governor, or his senior associate upon the bench, 
thought it necessary to interfere. 

Dep. Gov. I would go a little higher with Mrs. 
Hutchinson. Now ... if she in particular hath dis- 
paraged all our ministers in the land that they have 
preached a covenant of works, and only Mr. Cotton a 
covenant of grace, why this is not to be suffered. . . 



68 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

Mrs. H, I pray, sir, prove it, that I said they 
preached nothing but a covenant of works. . . . 

Dep. Gov. If they do not jireach a covenant of 
grace, clearly, then, they preach a covenant of works. 

Mrs. II. No, sir, one may preach a covenant of 
grace more clearly than another, so I said. 

Dudley was faring worse than Winthrop, and the 
divines, who had been bursting with impatience, could 
hold no longer. The Rev. Hugh Peters broke in : 
" That which concerns us to speak unto, as yet we are 
sparing in, unless the court command us to speak, 
then we shall answer to Mrs. Hutchinson, notwith- 
standing our brethren are very unwilling to answer." 
And without further urging, that meek servant of 
Christ went on to tell how he and others had heard 
that the prisoner said they taught a covenant of works, 
how they had sent for her, and though she was 
" very tender " at first, yet upon being begged to speak 
plainly, she had explained that there "was a broad 
difference between our Brother Mr. Cotton and our- 
selves. I desired to know the difference. She an- 
swered ' that he preaches the covenant of grace and 
you the covenant of works, and that you are not able 
ministers of the New Testament, and know no more 
than the apostles did before the resurrection.' "... 

Mrs. H. If our pastor would shew his writings 
you should see what I said, and that many things are 
not so as is reported. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 69 

Mr. Wilson. Sister Hutchinson, for the writings 
you speak of I have them not. . . . 

Five more divines followed, who, though they were 
" loth to speak in that assembly concerning that gentle- 
woman," yet to ease their consciences in " the relation 
wherein " they stood " to the Commonwealth and . . . 
unto God," felt constrained to state that the prisoner 
had said they were not able ministers of the New 
Testament, and that the whole of the evidence of 
Hugh Peters was true, and in so doing they came to 
an issue of veracity with Cotton. 

An adjournment soon followed till next day, and 
the presiding justice seems to have considered his case 
against his prisoner as closed. 

In the morning Mrs. Hutchinson opened her defence 
by calling three witnesses, Leverett, Coggeshall, and 
John Cotton. 

Gov. Mr. Coggeshall was not present. 

Mr. C. Yes, but I was, only I desired to be silent 
till I should be called. 

Gov. Will you . . . say that she did not say so ? 

Mr. C. Yes, I dare say that she did not say all 
that which they lay against her. 

Mr. Peters. How dare you look into the court to 
say such a word ? 

3fr. C. Mr. Peters takes upon him to forbid me. 
I shall be silent. . . . 

Gov. Well, Mr. Leverett, what were the words ? 
I pray speak. 



70 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

Mr. L. To my best remembrance . . . Mr. Peters 
did with much veliemency and entreaty urge her to 
tell wbat difference there was between Mr. Cotton and 
them, and upon his urging of her she said : " The fear 
of man is a snare, but they that trust upon the Lord 
shall be safe." And . . . that they did not preach 
a covenant of grace so clearly as Mr. Cotton did, and 
she gave this reason of it, because that as the apostles 
were for a time without the Spirit so until they had 
received the witness of the Spirit they could not preach 
a covenant of grace so clearly. 

The Rev. John Cotton was then called. He was 
much embarrassed in giving his evidence, but, if he is 
to be believed, his brethren, in their anxiety to make 
out a case, had colored material facts. He closed his 
account of the interview in these words : " I must say 
that I did not find her saying they were under a cov- 
enant of works, nor that she said they did preach 
a covenant of works." 

Gov. You say you do not remember, but can you 
say she did not speak so ? 

Mr. C. I do remember that she looked at them as 
the apostles before the ascension. . . . 

Dep. Gov. They affirm that Mrs. Hutchinson did 
say they were not able ministers of the New Testa- 
ment. 

Mr. 0. I do not remember it. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 71 

Mrs. Hutchinson had shattered the case of the gov- 
ernment in a style worthy of a leader of the bar, but 
she now ventured on a step for which she has been 
generally condemned. She herself approached the 
subject of her revelations. To criticise the introduc- 
tion of evidence is always simpler than to conduct a 
cause, but an analysis of her position tends to show 
not only that her course was the result of mature 
reflection, but that her judgment was in this instance 
correct. She probably assumed that when the more 
easily proved charges had broken down she would be 
attacked here ; and in this assumption she was un- 
doubtedly right. The alternative presented to her, 
therefore, was to go on herself, or wait for Winthrop 
to move. If she waited she knew she should give the 
government the advantage of choosing the ground, 
and she would thus be subjected to the danger of hav- 
ing fatal charges proved against her by hearsay or 
distorted evidence. If she took the bolder course, she 
could explain her revelations as monitions coming to 
her through texts in Scripture, and here she was cer- 
tain of Cotton's support. Before that tribunal she 
could hardly have hoped for an acquittal ; but if any- 
thing could have saved her it would have been the 
sanction given to her doctrines by the approval of 
John Cotton. At all events, she saw the danger, for 
she closed lier little speech in these touching words : 
"Now if you do condemn me for speaking what in 
my conscience I know to be truth, I must commit my- 
8^f unto the Lord." 



72 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

Mr. Nowell. How do you know that that was the 
Spirit ? 

Mrs. H. How did Abraham know that it was 
God? . . . 

Dej). Gov. By an immediate voice. 

Mrs. H. So to me by an immediate revelation. 

Then she proceeded to state how, through various 
texts which she cited, the Lord showed her what He 
would do; and she particularly dwelt on one from 
Daniel. So far all was well ; she had planted herself 
on ground upon which orthodox opinion was at least 
divided ; but she now committed the one grave error 
of her long and able defence. As she went on her 
excitement gained upon her, and she ended by some- 
thing like a defiance and denunciation : " You have 
power over my body, but the Lord Jesus hath power 
over my body and soul ; and assure yourselves thus 
much, you do as much as in you lies to put the Lord 
Jesus Christ from you, and if you go on in this course 
you begin, you will bring a curse upon you and your 
posterity, and the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it." 

Gov. Daniel was delivered by miracle. Do you 
think to be delivered so too ? 

Mrs. H. I do here speak it before the court. I 
look that the Lord should deliver me by his provi- 
dence. . . . 

Dep. Gov. I desire Mr. Cotton to tell us whether 
you do approve of Mrs. Hutchinson's revelations as 
she hath laid them down. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 73 

Mr. C. I know not whether I do understand her, 
but this I say, if she doth expect a deliverance in a 
way of providence, then I cannot deny it. 

Gov. ... I see a marvellous providence of God 
to bring things to this pass. . . . God by a providence 
hath answered our desires, and made her to lay open 
herself and the ground of all these disturbances to be 
by revelations. . . . 

Court. We all consent with you. 

Gov. Ey, it is the most desperate enthusiasm in 
the world. . . . 

3Ir. Endicott. I speak in reference to Mr. Cotton. 
. . . Whether do you witness for her or against her. 

3Ir. C. This is that I said, sir, and my answer is 
plain, that if she doth look for deliverance from the 
hand of God by liis providence, and the revelation be 
. . . according to a word [of Scripture] that I cannot 
deny. 

Mr. Endicott. You give me satisfaction. 

Dep. Gov. No, no, he gives me none at all. . . . 

Mr. C. I pray, sir, give me leave to express my- 
self. In that sense that she speaks I dare not bear 
witness against it. 

Mr. Nowell. I think it is a devilish delusion. 

Gov. Of all the revelations that ever I read of I 
never read the like ground laid as is for this. The 
enthusiasts and Anabaptists had never the like. . . . 

Mr. Peters. I can say the same . . . and I think 
that is very disputable which our brother Cotton hath 
spoken. . . . 



74 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

Gov. I am persuaded that the revelation she brings 
forth is delusion. 

All the court but some two or three ministers cry 
out, We aU believe it, we all believe it. . . . 

And then Coddington stood up before that angry- 
meeting like the brave man he was, and said, " I be- 
seech you do not speak so to force things along, for 
I do not for my own part see any equity in the court 
in all your proceedings. Here is no law of God that 
she hath broken, nor any law of the country that she 
hath broke, and therefore deserves no censure ; and if 
she say that the elders preach as the apostles did, why 
they preached a covenant of grace and what wrong is 
that to them, . . . therefore I pray consider, what you 
do, for here is no law of God or man broken." 

Mr. Peters. I profess I thought Mr. Cotton would 
never have took her part. 

Gov. The court hath already declared themselves 
satisfied . . . concerning the troublesomeness of her 
spirit and the danger of her course amongst us which 
is not to be suffered. Therefore if it be the mind of 
the court that Mrs. Hutchinson . . . shall be banished 
out of our liberties and imprisoned till she be sent 
away let them hold up their hands. 

All but three consented. 

Those contrary minded hold up yours. Mr. Cod- 
dington and Colburn only. 



THE ANTINOMIANS. 76 

Gov. Mrs. Hutchinson, the sentence of the court 
you hear is that you are banished from out of our 
jurisdiction as being a woman not fit for our society, 
and are to be hnprisoned till the court shall send 
you away. 

3Irs. H. I desire to know wherefore I am ban- 
ished. 

Gov. Say no more, the court knows wherefore and 
is satisfied.^ 

With refined malice she was committed to the cus- 
tody of Joseph Welde of Roxbury, the brother of the 
Rev. Thomas Welde who thought her a Jezebel. 
Here " divers of the elders resorted to her," and un- 
der this daily torment rapid progress was made. 
Probably during that terrible interval her reason was 
tottering, for her talk came to resemble ravings.^ 
When this point was reached the divines saw their 
object attained, and that " with sad hearts " they could 
give her up to Satan. ^ Accordingly they " wrote to 
the church at Boston, offering to make proof of the 
same," whereupon she was summoned and the lecture 
appointed to begin at ten o'clock.^ 

" When she was come one of the ruling elders 
called her forth before the assembly," and read to 
her tlie twent3'-nine errors of which she was accused, 
all of which she admitted she had maintained. " Then 
she asked by what rule such an elder would come to 

^ Hutch. Hist. vol. ii. App. 2. ^ Brief Apologie, p. 59. 

' Winthrop, i. 254. 



76 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

her pretending to desire light and indeede to entrappe 
hei\" He answered that he came not to " entrap her 
but in compassion to her soule. . . ." 

" Tlien presently she grew into passion . . . pro- 
fessing withall that she held none of these things 
. . . before her imprisonment." ^ 

The court sat till eight at night, when " Mr. Cot- 
ton pronounced the sentence of admonition . . . with 
much zeal and detestation of her errors and pride of 
spirit." 2 An adjournment was then agreed on for a 
week and she was ordered to return to Roxbury ; but 
this was more than she could bear, and her distress 
was such that the congregation seem to have felt some 
touch of compassion, for she was committed to the 
charge of Cotton till the next lecture day, when the 
trial was to be resumed.'^ At his house her mind re- 
covered its tone and when she again appeared she not 
only retracted the wild opinions she had broached 
while at Joseph Welde's, but admitted " that what she 
had spoken against the magistrates at the court (by 
way of revelation) was rash and ungrounded." * 

But nothing could avail her. She was in the hands 
of men determined to make her expiation of her 
crimes a by- word of terror ; her fate was sealed. The 
doctrines she now professed wei'e less objectionable, 
so she was examined as to former errors, among others 
" that she had denied inherent righteousness ; " she 
"affirmed that it was never her judgment; and though 

1 Brief Apol. pp. 59-61. . ^ Winthrop, i. 256. 

8 Brief Apol. p. 62. * Winthrop, L 258. 



THE ANTINUMIANS. 77 

it was proved by many testimonies . . . yet she im- 
pudently persisted in her affirmation to the astonish- 
ment of all the assembly. So that . . . the church 
with one consent cast her out. . . . After she was ex- 
communicated her spirit, which seemed before to be 
somewhat dejected, revived again and she gloried in 
her sufferings." ^ And all this time she had been 
alone ; her friends were far away. 

That no circumstances of horror might be lost, she 
and one of her most devoted followers, Mary Dyer, 
were nearing their confinements during this time of 
misery. Both cases ended in misfortunes over whose 
sickening details Thomas Welde and his reverend 
brethren gloated with a savage joy, declaring that 
" God himselfe was pleased to step in with his casting 
vote ... as clearly as if he had pointed with his 
finger." ^ Let posterity draw a veil over the shocking 
scene. 

Two or three days after her condemnation " the gov- 
ernor sent [her] a warrant ... to depart . . . she 
went by water to her farm at the Mount . . . and so 
to the island in the Narragansett Bay which her hus- 
band and the rest of that sect had purchased of the 
Indians." ^ 

This pure and noble but most unhappy woman had 
sinned against the clergy, past forgiveness here or here- 
after. They gibbeted her as Jezebel, and her name 
became a reproach in Massachusetts through two 

1 Winthrop, i. 258. 2 5^^^^ gtory, Preface, § 5. 

8 Winthrop, i. 259. 



78 THE ANTINOMIANS. 

hundred years. But her crimes and the awful end- 
ing of her life are best read in the Christian words 
of the Rev. Thomas Welde, whose gentle spirit so- 
adorned his holy office. 

" For the servants of God who came over into New 
England . . . seeing their ministery was a most pre- 
cious sweete savour to all the saints before she came 
hither, it is easie to discerne from what sinke that ill 
vapour hath risen which hath made so many of her 
seduced party to loath now the smell of those flowers 
which they were wont to find sweetnesse in.^ . . . 
The Indians set upon them, and slew her and all the 
family.^ . . . Some write that the Indians did burne 
her to death with fire, her house and all the rest 
named that belonged to her ; but I am not able to 
affirme by what kind of death they slew her, but slaine 
it seemes she is, according to all reports. I never heard 
that the Indians in those parts did ever before this, 
commit the like outrage . . . ; and therefore God's 
hand is the more apparently seene herein, to pick out 
this wofull woman, to make her and those belonging 
to her, an unheard of heavie example of their cruelty 
above al others." ^ 

1 Short Story, p. 40. 

^ Mrs. Hutchinson and her family were killed in a general 
massacre of the Dutch and English by the Indians on Long Isl- 
and. Winthrop, ii. 136. 

8 Short Story, Preface. 



CHAPTER III. 

THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

With the ruin of the Antinomians, opposition to 
the clergy ceased within the church itself, but many- 
causes combined to prevent the bulk of the people 
from partieipa.ting in the communion. Of those who 
were excluded, perhaps even the majority might have 
found it impossible to have secured their pastor's ap- 
probation, but numbers who would have been gladly 
received were restrained by conscientious scruples ; 
and more shrank from undergoing the ordeal to which 
they would have been obliged to submit. It was no 
light matter for a pious but a sincerely honest man to 
profess his conversion, and how God had been pleased 
to work " ia the inward parts of his soul," when he 
was not absolutely certain that he had indeed been 
visited by the Spirit. And it is no exaggeration to say 
that to sensitive natures the initiation was appalling. 
The applicant had first to convince the minister of his 
worthiness, then his name was openly propounded, and 
those who knew of any objection to his character, 
either moral or religious, were asked to give notice to 
the presbytery of elders. If the candidate succeeded 
in passing this private examination as to his fitness 
the following scene took place in church : — 



80 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

" The party appearing in the midst of the assembly 
. . . the ruling elder speaketh in this manner : Breth- 
ren of this congregation, this man or woman . . . hath 
beene heretofore propounded to you, desiring to enter 
into church fellowship with us, and we have not since 
that heard anything from any of you to the contrary 
of the parties admittance but that we may goe on to 
receive him : therefore now, if any of you know any- 
thing against him, why he may not be admitted, you 
may yet speak. . . . Whereupon, sometimes men do 
speak to the contrary . . . and so stay the party for 
that time also till this new offence be heard before 
the elders, so that sometimes there is a space of divers 
moneths between a parties first propounding and re- 
ceiving, and some are so bashfull as that they choose 
rather to goe without the communion than undergoe 
such publique confessions and tryals, but that is held 
their fault." ^ 

Those who were thus disfranchised, Lechford, who 
knew what he was talking about, goes on to say, soon 
began to complain that they were " ruled like slaves ; " 
and there can be no doubt that they had to submit to 
very substantial grievances. The administration of 
justice especially seems to have been defective. " Now 
the most of the persons at New England are not ad- 
mitted of their church, and therefore are not freemen, 
and when they come to be tryed there, be it for life or 
limb, name or estate, or whatsoever, they must bee tryed 
and judged too by those of the church, who are in a 
^ Lechford, Plain Dealing, pp. 6, 7. 



THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 81 

sort their adversaries : how equall that hath been, or 
may be, some by experience doe know, others may 
judge." 1 

The government was in fact in the hands of a small 
oligarchy of saints,^ who were, in their turn, ruled by 
their priests, and as the repression of thought inevita- 
ble under such a system had roused the Antinomians, 
who were voters, to demand a larger intellectual free- 
dom, so the denial of ordinary political rights to the 
majority led to discontent. 

Since under the theocracy there was no department 
of human affairs in which the clergy did not meddle, 
they undertook as a matter of course to interfere with 
the militia, and the following curious letter written to 
the magistrates by the ministers of Rowley shows how 
far they carried their supervision even so late as 1689. 

Rowley, July 24th, 1689. 
May it please your honors^ 

The occasion of these lines is to inform you that 
whereas our military company have nominated Abel 
Platts, for ensign, we conceive that it is our duty to 
declare that we cannot approve of their choice in that 
he is corrupt in his judgment with reference to the 
Lord's Supper, declaring against Christ's words of 
justification, and hereupon hath withdrawn himself 
from communion with the church in that holy ordi- 
nance some years, besides some other things wherein 

1 Plain Dealing, p. 23. 

* " Three parts of the people of the country remaiue out of 
the church." Plain Dealing, p. 73. a. d. 1642. 



82 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

he hath shown no little vanity in his conversation and 
hath demeaned himself unbecomingly toward the 
word and toward the dispensers of it. . . . 

Samuel Phillips. 

Edward Paison.^ 

A somewhat similar difficulty, which happened in 
Hing'ham in 1645, produced very serious consequences. 
A new captain had been chosen for their company ; 
but a dispute having arisen, the magistrates, on the 
question being submitted to them, set the election aside 
and directed the old officers to keep their places until 
the General Court should meet. Notwithstanding 
this order the commotion continued to increase, and 
the pastor, Mr. Peter Hubbert, " was very forward to 
have excommunicated the lieutenant," who was the 
candidate the magistrates favored.^ Winthrop hap- 
pened to be deputy governor that year, and the ag- 
grieved officer applied to him for protection ; where- 
upon, as the defendants seemed inclined to be recal- 
citrant, several were committed in open court, among 
whom were three of Mr. Hubbert's brothers. 

Forthwith the clergyman in great wrath headed a 
petition to which he obtained a large number of sig- 
natures, in which he prayed the General Court to take 
cognizance of the cause, since it concerned the public 
liberty and the liberty of the chui'ch. 

At its next session, the legislature proceeded to ex- 
amine the whole case, and Winthrop was brought to 

1 History of Newbury, p. 80. 2 Winthrop, ii. 222, 223. 



THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 83 

trial for exceeding his jurisdiction as a magistrate. A 
contest ensued between the deputies and assistants, 
which was finally decided by the influence of the 
elders. The result was that "VVinthrop was acquit- 
ted and Mr. Hubbert and the chief petitioners were 
fined. 1 

In March the constable went to Hinghara to collect 
the money ,^ but he found the minister indisposed to 
submit in silence. About thirty people had collected, 
and before them all Mr. Hubbert demanded the war- 
rant ; when it was produced he declared it worthless 
because not in the king's name, and then went on to 
add that the government " was not more then a cor- 
poration in England, and . . . had not power to put 
men to death . . . that for himself he had neither horn 
nor hoofe of his own, nor anything wherewith to buy 
his children cloaths ... if he must pay the fine he 
would pay it in books, but that he knew not for what 
they were fined, unlesse it were for petitioning : and 
if they were so waspish they might not be petitioned, 
then he could not tell what to say." ^ 

Unluckily for Mr. Hubbert he had taken the popu- 
lar side in this dispute and had thus been sundered 
from his brethren, who sustained Winthrop, and in the 
end carried him through in triumph ; and not only 
this, but he was suspected of Presbyterian tendencies, 
and a committee of the elders who had visited Hing- 
ham to reconcile some differences in the congregation 

1 Winthrop, ii. 227. ^ 1645-46, 18 March. 

8 New Eng. Jonas, Marvin's ed. p. 5. 



84 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

had found him in grave fault. The government was 
not sorry, therefore, to make him a public example, 
as appeared not only by these proceedings, but by the 
way he was treated in the General Court the next 
autumn. He was accordingly indicted for sedition, 
tried and convicted in June, fined twenty pounds, and 
bound over to good behavior in forty pounds more.^ 
Such a disturbance as this seems to have been all that 
was needed to bring the latent discontent to a focus. 

William Vassal had been an original patentee and 
was a member of the first Board of Assistants, who 
were appointed by the king. Being, however, a man 
of liberal views he had not found Massachusetts con- 
genial ; he had returned to England after a stay of 
only a month, and wben he came again to America in 
1635, he had settled at Scituate, the town adjoining 
Hingham, but in the Plymouth jurisdiction. Having 
both wealth and social position he possessed great infla- 
ence, and he now determined to lead an agitation for 
equal rights and liberty of conscience in both colonies 
at once, by petitioning the legislatures, and in case of 
failure there, presenting similar petitions to Parlia- 
ment. 

Bradford was this year ^ governor of Plymouth, 
and Edward Winslow was an assistant. Winslow 
himself had been governor repeatedly, was a thor- 
ough-going churchman, and deep in all the coun- 
cils of the conservative party. There was, however, 
no religious qualification for the suffrage in the old 
1 New Eng. Jonas, p. 6. 2 June, 1646. 2 1645, 



THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 85 

colony, and the complexion of its politics was there- 
fore far more liberal than in Massachusetts ; so Vas- 
sal was able to command a strong support when he 
brought forward his pi'oposition. Winslow, writing to 
his friend Winthrop at Boston, gives an amusing ac- 
count of his own and Bradford's consternation, and the 
expedients to which they were forced to resort in the 
legislature to stave off a vote upon the petition, when 
Vassal made his motion in October, 1645. 

" After this, the first excepter [Vassal] having been 
observed to tender the view of a scroule from man to 
man, it came at length to be tendered to myself, and 
withall, said he, it may be you will not like this. 
Having read it, I told him I utterly abhorred it as 
such as would make us odious to all Christian com- 
monweales : But at length he told the governor 
[Bradford] he had a written proposition to be pro- 
pounded to the court, which he desired the court to 
take into consideration, and according to order, if 
thought meet, to be allowed : To this the deputies 
were most made beforehand, and the other three as- 
sistants, who applauded it as their Diana ; and the 
sum of it was, to allow and maintaine full and free 
toUerance of religion to all men that would preserve 
the civill peace and submit unto government ; and 
there was no limitation or exception against Turke, 
Jew, Papist, Arian, Socinian, Nicholaytan, Familist, 
or any other, &c. But our governor and divers of us 
having expressed the sad consequences would follow, 
especially myselfe and Mr. Prence, yet notwithstand- 



86 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

ing it was required, according to order, to be voted : 
But the governor would not suffer it to come to vote, 
as being tbat indeed would eate out the power of God- 
lines, &c. . . . You would have admired to have seen 
how sweet this carrion relished to the pallate of most 
of the deputies ! What will be the issue of these 
things, our all ordering God onely knows. . . . But if 
he have such a judgment for this place, I trust we 
shall finde (I speake for many of us that groane un- 
der these things) a resting place among you for the 
soales of our feet." ^ 

As just then nothing more could be done in Plym- 
outh, proceedings were transferred to Massachusetts. 
Samuel Maverick is a bright patch of color on the sad 
Puritan background. He had a dwelling at Winnisirae, 
that " in the yeare 1625 I fortified with a pillizado 
and fflankers and gunnes both belowe and above in 
them which awed the Indians who at that time had a 
mind to cutt off the English." ^ When Winthrop 
landed, he found him keeping open house, so kindly 
and freehanded that even the grim Johnson relaxes 
when he speaks of him : " a man of very loving and 
curteous behaviour, very ready to entertaine stran- 
gers, yet an enemy to the reformation in hand, being 
strong for the lordly prelatical power." ^ 

This genial English churchman entertained every 
one at his home on Noddle's Island, which is now 

1 Hutch. Coll., Prince ed. i. 174. 

2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, Oct. 1884, p. 236. 
* Wonder - Working Providence, Poole's ed. p. 37- 



THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 87 

East Boston : Vane and Lord Ley, and La Tour when 
he came to Boston ruined, and even Owen when he 
ran off with another man's wife, and so brought a fine 
of £100 on his host. Josselyn says with much feeling: 
" I went a shore upon Noddles Island to Mr. Samuel 
Maverick, . . . the only hospitable man in the whole 
countrey." He was charitable also, and Winthrop re- 
lates how, when the Indians were dying of the small- 
pox, he, " his wife and servants, went daily to them, 
ministered to their necessities, and buried their dead, 
and took home many of their children." He was 
generous, too, with his wealth; and when the town 
had to rebuild the fort on Castle Island much of the 
money came from him. 

But, as Endicott told the Browns, when he shipped 
them to England, because their practice in adhering 
to their Episcopal orders tended to " mutiny," " New 
England was no place for such as they." One by one 
they had gone, — the Browns first, and afterward 
William Blackstone, who had found it best to leave 
Boston because he could not join the church ; and now 
the pressure on Maverick began to make him restive. 
Though he had been admitted a freeman in the early 
days, he was excluded from all offices of importance ; 
he was taxed to support a church of which he disap- 
proved, yet was forced to attend, though it would not 
baptize his children ; and he was so suspected that, in 
March, 1635, he had been ordered to remove to Boston, 
and was forbidden to lodge strangers for more than 
one night without leave from a magistrate. Under 



88 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

such circumstances he could not but sympathize with 
Vassal in his effort to win for all men equal rights be- 
fore the law. Next after him in consequence was Dr. 
Robert Chilcle, who had taken a degree at Padua, and 
who, though not a freeman, had considerable interests 
in the country, — a man of projDerty and standing. 
There were five more signers of the petition : Thomas 
Burton, John Smith, David Yale, Thomas Fowle, and 
John Dand, but they do not require j^articular notice. 
They prayed that " civil liberty and freedome be 
forthwith granted to all truly English, equall to the 
rest of their countrymen, as in all plantations is ac- 
customed to be done, and as all free-borne enjoy in 
our native country. . . . Further that none of the 
English nation ... be banished unlesse they break 
the known lawes of England. . . . We therefore 
humbly intreat you, in whose hands it is to help . . . 
for the glory of God ... to give liberty to the mem- 
bers of the churches of England not scandalous in 
their lives ... to be taken into your congregations, 
and to enjoy with you all those liberties and ordi- 
nances Christ hath purchased for them, and into 
whose name they are baptized ... or otherwise to 
grant liberty to settle themselves here in a church 
way according to the best reformations of England 
and Scotland. If not, we and they shall be neces- 
sitated to apply our humble desires to the Honorable 
Houses of Parliament." ^ 

This petition was presented to the court on May 
^ New Eng. Jonas, Marvin's ed. pp. 13-15. 



THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 89 

19, 1646 ; but the session was near its close, and it 
was thought best to take no immediate steps. The 
elders, however, became satisfied that the moment had 
come for a thorough organization of the church, and 
they therefore caused the legislature to issue a general 
invitation to all the congregations to send representa- 
tives to a synod to be held at Cambridge. But not- 
withstanding the inaction of the authorities, the clergy 
were perfectly aware of the danger, and they passed 
the summer in creating the necessary indignation 
among the voters : they bitterly denounced from their 
pulpits " the sons of Belial, Judasses, sons of Corah," 
" with sundry appellations of that nature . . . wliich 
seemed not to arise from a gospel spirit." Some- 
times they devoted " a whole sermon, and that not very 
short," to describing the impending ruin and exhort- 
ing the magistrates " to lay hold upon " the offenders.^ 
Winthrop had been chosen governor in May, and, 
when the legislature met in October, he was made 
chairman of a committee to draft an answer to Childe. 
This document may be found in Hutchinson's Collec- 
tion. As a state paper devoted to the discussion of 
questions of constitutional law it has little merit, but 
it may have been effective as a party manifesto. A 
short adjournment followed till November, when, on 
reassembling, the elders were asked for their advice 
upon this absorbing topic. 

" Mr. Hubbard of Hiugham came with the rest, but 
the court being informed that he had an hand in a pe- 
^ New Eng. /onas, 'Marvin's ed. p. 19. 



90 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

tition, wliich Mr. Vassall carried into England against 
the country in general, the governour propounded, that 
if any elder present had any such hand, &c., he would 
withdx'aw himself." Mr. Hubbert sitting still a good 
space, one of the deputies stated that he was suspected, 
whereupon he rose and said he knew nothing of such 
a petition. 

Then Winthrop replied that he " must needs deliver 
his mind about him," and though he had no proof 
about the petition, " yet in regard he had so much 
opposed authority and offered such contempt to it, 
... he thought he would (in discretion) withdraw 
himself, &c,, whereupon he went out." ^ 

The ministers who remained then proceeded to de- 
fine the relations of Massachusetts toward England, 
and the position they assumed was very simple. 

" I. We depend upon the state of England for pro- 
tection and immunities of Englishmen. ... II. We 
conceive ... we have granted by patent such full and 
ample power ... of making all laws and rules of our 
obedience, and of a full and final determination of all 
cases in the administration of justice, that no appeals 
or other ways of interrupting our proceedings do lie 
against us." ^ 

In other words, they were to enjoy the privileges 
and safeguards of British subjects without yielding 
obedience to British law. 

Under popular governments the remedy for discon- 
tent is free discussion ; under despotisms it is repres- 
1 Winthrop, ii. 278. 2 Winthrop, ii. 282. 



THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 91 

sion. In Massachusetts energetic steps were promptly 
taken to punish the ring-leaders in what the court 
now declared to be a conspiracy. The petitioners 
were summoned, and on being questioned refused to 
answer until some charge was made. A hot alterca- 
tion followed, which ended in the defendants tender- 
ing an appeal, which was refused ; and they were com- 
mitted for trial. ^ A species of indictment was then 
prepared in which they were charged with publishing 
seditious libels against the Church of Christ and the 
civil government. The gravamen of the offence was 
the attempt to persuade the people " that the liberties 
and privileges in our charter belong to all freeborn 
Englishmen inhabitants here, whereas they are granted 
only to such as the governour and company shall think 
fit to receive into that fellowship." ^ The appeal was 
held criminal because a denial of the jurisdiction of 
the government. The trial resembled Wheelwright's. 
Like him the defendants refused to make submission, 
but persisted " obstinately and proudly in their evil 
practice ; " that is to say, they maintained the right of 
petition and the legalit}^ of their course. They were 
therefore fined : Childe X50 ; Smith X40 ; Maverick, 
because he had not yet appealed, XIO ; and the others 
£30 each ; three magistrates dissented. 

Childe at once began hasty preparations to sail. 
To prevent him Winthrop called the assistants to- 
gether, without, however, giving the dissenting magis- 
trates notice, and arranged to have him arrested and 
searched. 

1 Winthrop, ii. 285. ^ Jd^jn. 



92 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

One striking characteristic of the theocracy was its 
love for inflicting mental suffering upon its victims. 
The same malicious vindictiveness which sent Morton 
to sea in sight of his blazing home, and which impris- 
oned Anne Hutchinson in the house of her bitterest 
enemy, now suggested a scheme for making Childe 
endure the pangs of disappointment, by allowing him 
to embark, and then seizing him as the ship was set- 
ting sail. And though the plan miscarried, and the 
arrest had to be made the night before, yet even as it 
was the prisoner took his confinement very " griev- 
ously, but he could not help it." ^ 

Nothing criminating was found in his possession, 
but in Dand's study, which was ransacked, copies of 
two petitions were discovered, with a number of que- 
ries relating to certain legal aspects of the charter, and 
intended to be submitted to the Commissioners for the 
Plantations at London. 

These petitions were substantially those already 
presented, except that, by way of preamble, the story 
of the trial was told ; and how the ministers " did re- 
vile them, &c., as far as the wit or malice of man 
could, and that they meddled in civil affaires beyond 
their calling, and were masters rather than ministers, 
and ofttimes judges, and that they had stirred up the 
magistrates against them, and that a day of humilia- 
tion was appointed, wherein they were to pray against 
them." 2 

Such words had never been heard in Massachusetts. 

^ Winthrop, ii. 2»4. ^ Wintlirop, ii. 293. 



THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 93 

The saints were aghast. Winthrop speaks of the of- 
fence as " being in nature capital," and Johnson 
thought the Lord's gracious goodness alone quelled 
this malice against his people. 

Of course no mercy was shown. It is true that the 
writings were lawful petitions by English subjects to 
Parliament ; that, moreover, they had never been pub- 
lished, but were found in a private room by means of 
a despotic search. Several of the signers were im- 
prisoned for six months and then were punished in 
May: — 

Doctor Childe, (imprisonment till paid,) £200 

John Smith, " " » 100 

Joha Dand, « " « 200 

Tho. Burton, <' " " 100 

Samuel Maverick, for his offence in being pty 
to y* conspiracy, (imprison- 
ment till paid,) 100 
Samuel Maverick, ffor his offence in breaking his 
oath and in appealing ag"^' y* 
intent of his oath of a freeman, 50 * 

The conspirators of the poorer class were treated 
with scant ceremony. A carpenter named Joy was in 
Dand's study when the officers entered. He asked if 
the warrant was in the king's name. " He was laid 
hold on, and kept in irons about four or five days, and 
then he humbled himself . . . for meddling in matters 
belonging not to him, and blessed God for these irons 

1 Maxs. Rec. iii. 113. May 26,1647. £200 was the equivalent 
of about $5,000. 



94 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

upon his legs, hoping they should do him good while 
he lived." ^ 

But though the government could oppress the men, 
they could not make their principles unpopular, and 
the next December after Vassal and his friends had 
left the colony, the orthodox Samuel Symonds of Ips- 
wich wrote mournfully to Winthrop : " I am informed 
that coppies of the petition are spreading here, and 
divers (specially young men and women) are taken 
with it, and are apt to wonder why such men should 
be troubled that speake as they doe : not being able 
suddenly to discerne the poyson in the sweet wine, nor 
the fire wrapped up in the straw." ^ The petitioners, 
however, never found redress. Edward 'Win slow had 
been sent to London as agent, and in 1648 he was 
able to write that their " hopes and endeavours . . . 
had been blasted by the special providence of the 
Lord who still wrought for us." And Winthrop pi- 
ously adds : " As for those who went over to pro- 
cure us trouble, God met with them all. Mr. Vas- 
sall, finding no entertainment for his petitions, went 
to Barbadoes," ^ . . . " God had brought " Thomas 
Fowle "very low, both in his estate and in his rep- 
utation, since he joined in the first petition." And 
" God had so blasted " Childe's " estate as he was 
quite broken." * 

Maverick remained some years in Boston, being 
probably unable to abandon his property ; during this 

1 Winthrop, ii. 294. 2 belt's Eccl. Hist. i. 593. 

» Winthrop, ii. 321. < Winthrop, ii. 322. 



THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 95 

interval he made several efforts to have his fine re- 
mitted, and he did finally secure an abatement of one 
half, lie then went to England and long afterv.ard 
came back as a royal commissioner to try his fortune 
once again in a contest with the theocracy. 

Dr. Palfrey has described this movement as a plot 
to introduce a direct government by England by in- 
ducing Parliament to establish Presbyterianism. By 
other than theological reasoning this inference cannot 
be deduced from the evidence. All that is certainly 
known about the leaders is that they were not of any 
one denomination. Maverick was an Episcopalian; 
Vassal was probably an Independent like Cromwell 
or Milton ; and though the eldei's accused Childe of 
being a Jesuit, there is some ground to suppose that 
he inclined toward Geneva. So far as the testimony 
goes, everything tends to prove that the petitioners 
were perfectly sincere in their effort to gain some 
small measure of civil and religious liberty for them- 
selves and for the disfranchised majority. 

Viewed from the standpoint of history and not of 
prejudice, the events of these early years present them- 
selves in a striking and unmistakable sequence. 

They are the phenomena that regularly attend a cer- 
tain stage of human development, — the absorption of 
power by an aristocracy. The clergy's rule was rigid, 
and met with resistance, which was crushed with an 
iron hand. Yv'as it defection from their own ranks, 
the deserters met the fate of Wheelwright, of AVil- 
liams, of Cotton, or of Hubbert ; were politicians con- 



96 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

tumacious, they were defeated or exiled, like Vane, 
or Aspinwall, or Coddington ; were citizens discon- 
tented, they were coerced like Maverick and Childe. 
The process had been uninterrupted alike in church 
and state. The congregations, which in theory should 
have included all the inhabitants of the towns, had 
shrunk until they contained only a third or a quar- 
ter of the people ; while the churches themselves, 
which were supposed to be independent of external 
interference and to regulate their affairs by the will 
of the majority, had become little more than the chat- 
tels of the priests, and subject to the control of the 
magistrates who were their representatives. This 
system has generally prevailed ; in like manner the 
Inquisition made use of the secular arm. The condi- 
tion of ecclesiastical affairs is thus described by the 
highest living authority on Congregationalism : — 

" Our fathers laid it down — and with perfect 
truth — that the will of Christ, and not the will of 
the major or minor part of a church, ought to gov- 
ern that church. But somebody must interpret that 
will. And they quietly assumed that Christ would 
reveal his will to the elders, but would not reveal it 
to the church-members ; so that when there arose a 
difference of opinion as to what the Master's will 
might be touching any particular matter, the judg- 
ment of the elders, rather than the judgment even of 
a majority of the membership, must be taken as con- 
clusive. To all intents and purposes, then, this was 
precisely the aristocracy which they affirmed that it 



THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 97 

was not. For the elders were to order business m the 
assurance that every truly humhle and sincere mem- 
ber would consent thereto. If any did not consent, 
and after patient debate remained of another judg- 
ment, he was ' partial ' and ' factious,' and continu- 
ing ' obstinate,' he was ' admonished ' and his vote 
' nullified ; ' so that the elders could have their way 
in the end by merely adding the insult of the ap- 
parent but illusive offer of cooperation to the injury 
of their absolute control. As Samuel Stone of Hart- 
ford no more tersely than truly put it, this kind of 
Congregationalism was simply a ' speaking Aristoc- 
racy in the face of a silent Democracy.' " ^ 

It is true that Vassal's petition was the event which 
made the ministers decide to call a synod ^ by means 
of an invitation of the General Court ; but it is also 
certain that under no circumstances would the meet- 
ing of some such council have been long delayed. 
For sixteen years the well-known process had been 
going on, of the creation of institutions by custom, 
having the force of law ; the stage of development 
had now been reached when it was necessary that 
those usages should take the shape of formal enact- 
ments. The Cambridge platform therefore marks the 
completion of an organization, and as such is the cen- 
tral point in the history of the Puritan Common- 
wealth. The work was done in August, 1648 : the 

^ Early New England Congregationalism, as seen in its Litera- 
ture, p. 429. Dr. Dexter. 
2 Winthrop, ii. 264. 



98 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

Westminster Confession was promulgated as the 
creed ; the powers of the clergy were minutely de- 
fined, and the duty of the laity stated to be " obeying 
their elders and submitting themselves unto them in 
the Lord." ^ The magistrate was enjoined to punish 
" idolatry, blasphemy, heresy," and to coerce any 
church becoming " schismatical." 

In October, 1649, the court commended the plat- 
form to the consideration of the congregations ; in 
October, 1651, it was adopted ; and when church and 
state were thus united by statute the theocracy was 
complete. 

The close of the era of construction is also marked 
by the death of those two remarkable men whose in- 
fluence has left the deepest imprint upon the institu- 
tions they helped to mould : John Winthrop, who died 
in 1649, and John Cotton in 1652. 

Winthrop's letters to his wife show him to have 
been tender and gentle, and that his disposition was 
one to inspire love is proved by the affection those 
bore him who had suffered most at his hands. Wil- 
liams and Vane and Coddington kept their friendship 
for him to the end. But these very qualities, so ami- 
able in themselves, made him subject to the influence 
of men of inflexible v/ill. His dream was to create on 
earth a commonwealth of saints whose joy would be to 
walk in the ways of God. But in practice he had to 
deal with the strongest of human passions. In 1634, 
though supported by Cotton, he was defeated by Dud- 
1 Cambridge Platform, ch. x. section 7. 



THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 99 

ley, and there can be no doubt that this was caused 
by the defection of the body of the clergy. The ev- 
idence seems conclusive, for the next year Vane 
brought about an interview between the two at which 
Haynes was present, and there Haynes upbraided him 
with remissness in administering justice.^ Winthrop 
agreed to leave the question to the ministers, who the 
next morning gave an emphatic opinion in favor of 
strict discipline. Thenceforward he was pliant in 
their hands, and with that day opened the dark epoch 
of his life. By leading the crusade against the Anti- 
nomians he regained the confidence of the elders and 
they never again failed him ; but in return they ex- 
acted obedience to their will; and the rancor with 
which he pursued Anne Hutchinson, Gorton, and 
Childe cannot be extenuated, and must ever be a 
stain upon his fame. 

As Hutchinson points out, in early life his tenden- 
cies were liberal, but in America he steadily grew 
narrow. The reason is obvious. The leader of an 
intolerant party has himself to be intolerant. His 
claim to eminence as a statesman must rest upon the 
purity of his moral character, his calm temper, and 
his good judgment ; for his mind was not original or 
brilliant, nor was his thought in advance of his age. 
Plerein he differed from his celebrated contemporary, 
for among the long list of famous men, who are the 
pride of Massachusetts, there are few who in mere 
intellectual capacity outrank Cotton. He was not 
1 Winthrop, i. 178. 



100 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

only a profound scholar, an eloquent preacher, and a 
famous controversialist, but a great organizer, and a 
natural politician. He it was who constructed the 
Congregational hierarchy; his publications were the 
accepted authority both abroad and at home ; and 
the system which he developed in his books was that 
which was made law by the Cambridge Platform. 

Of medium height, florid complexion, and as he 
grew old some tendency to be stout, but with snowy 
hair and much personal dignity, he seems to have had 
an irresistible charm of manner toward those whom 
he wished to attract. 

Comprehending thoroughly the feelings and preju- 
dices of the clergy, he influenced them even more by 
his exquisite tact than by his commanding ability ; and 
of easy fortune and hospitable alike from inclination 
and from interest, he entertained every elder who went 
to Boston. He understood the art of flattery to per- 
fection ; or, as Norton expressed it, " he was a man of 
ingenuous and pious candor, rejoicing (as opportunity 
served) to take notice of and testifie unto the gifts of 
God in his brethren, thereby drawing the hearts of 
them to him. . . ." ^ No other clergyman has ever been 
able to reach the position he held with apparent ease, 
which amounted to a sort of primacy of New England. 
His dangers lay in the very fecundity of his mind. 
Though hampered by his education and profession, he 
was naturally liberal ; and his first miscalculation was 
when, almost immediately on landing, he supported 
1 Norton's Funeral Sermon, p. 37. 



THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 101 

Winthrop, who was in disgrace for the mildness of his 
administration, against the austerer Dudley. 

The consciousness of his intellectual superiority 
seems to have given him an almost overweening confi- 
dence in his ability to induce his brethren to accept 
the broader theology he loved to preach ; nor did he 
apparently realize that comprehension was incompati- 
J)le with a theocratic government, and that his success 
would have undermined the organization he was labor- 
ing to perfect. He thus committed the error of his 
life in undertaking to preach a religious reformation, 
without having the resolution to face a martyrdom. 
But when he saw his mistake, the way in which he re- 
trieved himself showed a consummate knowleclffe of 
human nature and of the men with whom he had to 
deal. Nor did he ever forget the lesson. From that 
time forward he took care that no one should be able 
to pick a flaw in his orthodoxy ; and whatever he may 
have thought of much of the policy of his party, he 
was always ready to defend it without flinching. 

Neither he nor Winthrop died too soon, for with the 
completion of the task of organization the work that 
suited them was finished, and they were unfit for that 
which remained to be done. An oligarchy, whose 
power rests on faith and not on force, can only exist 
by extirpating all who openly question their preten- 
sions to preeminent sanctity ; and neither of these men 
belonged to the class of natural persecutors, — the one 
was too gentle, the other too liberal. A n example will 
show better than much argument how little in accord 



102 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

either really was with that spirit which, in the regular 
course of social development, had thenceforward to 
dominate over Massachusetts. 

Captain Partridge had fought for the Parliament, 
and reached Boston at the beginning of the winter of 
1645. He was arrested and examined as a heretic. 
The magistrates referred the case to Cotton, who re- 
ported that " he found him corrupt in judgment,"' but 
"had good hope to reclaim him." ^ An instant recan- 
tation was demanded ; it was of course refused, and, in 
spite of all remonstrance, the family was banished in 
the snow. Winthrop's sad words were : " But sure, 
the rule of hospitality to strangers, and of seeking to 
pluck out of the fire such as there may be hope of, 
... do seem to require more moderation and indul- 
gence of human infirmity where there appears not ob- 
stinacy against the clear truth." ^ 

But in the savage and bloody struggle that was now 
at hand there was no place for leaders capable of pity 
or remorse, and the theocracy found supremely gifted 
chieftains in John Norton and John Endicott. 

Norton apj)roaches the ideal of the sterner orders of 
the priesthood. A gentleman by birth and breeding, 
a ripe scholar, with a keen though polished wit, his 
sombre temper was deeply tinged with fanaticism. 
Unlike so many of his brethren, temporal concerns 
were to him of but little moment, for every passion of 
his gloomy soul was intensely concentrated on the war- 
fare he believed himself waging with the fiend. Doubt 
1 Winthrop, ii. 251. 2 Winthrop, ii. 251. 



THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 103 

or compassion were impossible, for he was commis- 
sioned by tlie Lord. He was Christ's elected minister, 
and misbelievers were children of the devil whom it 
was his sacred duty to destroy. He knew by the Word 
of God that all save the orthodox were lost, and that 
heretics not only perished, but were the hirelings of 
Satan, who tempted the innocent to their doom ; he 
therefore hated and feared them more than robbers or 
murderers. Words seemed to fail him when he tried to 
express his horror : " The face of death, the King of 
Terrours, the living man by instinct turneth his face 
from. An unusual shape, a satanical phantasm, a 
ghost, or apparition, affrights the disciples. But the 
face of heresie is of a more horrid aspect than all . . . 
put together, as arguing some signal inlargement of 
the power of darkness as being diabolical, prodigeous, 
portentous." ^ By nature, moreover, he had in their 
fullest measure the three attributes of a preacher of a 
persecution, — eloquence, resolution, and a heart cal- 
lous to human suffering. To this formidable church- 
man was joined a no less formidable magistrate. 

No figure in our early history looms out of the past 
like Endicott's. The harsh face still looks down from 
under the black skull-cap ; the gray moustache and 
pointed beard shading the determined mouth, but 
throwing into relief the lines of the massive jaw. He 
is almost heroic in his ferocious bigotry and daring, — 
a perfect champion of the church. 

The grim Puritan soldier is almost visible as, stand- 
^ Heart of New Eng. Rent, p. 46. 



104 THE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM. 

ing at the head of his men, he tears the red cross from 
the flag, and defies the power of England ; or, in that 
tremendous moment, when the people were hanging 
breathless on the fate of Christison, when insurrection 
seemed bursting out beneath his feet, and his judges 
shrunk aghast before the peril, we yet hear the savage 
old man furiously strike the table, and, thanking God 
that he at least dares to do his duty, we see him rise 
alone before that threatening multitude to condemn 
the heretic to death. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE ANABAPTISTS. 

The Rev. Thomas Shepard, pastor of Charlestown, 
was such an example, " in word, in conversation, in 
civility, in spirit, in faith, in purity, that he did let no 
man despise his youth ; " ^ and yet, preaching an elec- 
tion sermon before the governor and magistrates, he 
told them that " anabaptisme . . . hath ever been lookt 
at by the godly leaders of this people as a scab." ^ 
While the Rev. Samuel Willard, president of Har- 
vard, declared that " such a rough thing as a New Eng- 
land Anabaptist is not to be handled over tenderly." ^ 

So early as 1644, therefore, the General Court 
" Ordered and agreed, y* if any pson or psons w*Mn 
y® iurisdiction shall eith"" openly conderane or oppose 
y® baptiz^ of infants, or go about secretly to seduce 
oth" fro™ y® app'bation or use thereof, or shall pur- 
posely depart y® congregation at y® administration of 
y® ordinance, . . . and shall appear to y® Co't will- 
fully and obstinately to continue therein after due 
time and meanes of conviction, every such pson or 
psons shallbe sentenced to banishm*." ^ 

The legislation, however, was unpopular, for Win- 

^ Magnalia, bk. 4, ch. ix, § 6. ^ Eye Salve, p. 24. 

8 Ne Sutor, p. 10. 

♦ Mass. Rec. ii. 85. 13 ifovember, 1644. 



106 THE ANABAPTISTS. 

tlirop relates that in October, 1645, divers merchants 
and others petitioned to have the act repealed, because 
of the offense taken thereat by the godly in England, 
and the court seemed inclined to accede, " but many 
of the elders . . . entreated that the law might con- 
tinue stiU in force, and the execution of it not sus- 
pended, though they disliked not that aU lenity and pa- 
tience should be used for convincing and reclamiing 
such erroneous persons. Whereupon the court refused 
to make any further order." ^ And Edward Wins- 
low assured Parliament in 1646, when sent to Eng- 
land to represent the colony, that, some mitigation 
being desired, " it was answered in my hearing. 'T is 
true we have a severe law, but wee never did or will 
execute the rigor of it upon any. . . . But the rea- 
son wherefore wee are loath either to repeale or alter 
the law is, because wee would have it ... to beare wit- 
nesse against their judgment, . . . which we conceive 
... to bee erroneous." ^ 

Unquestionably, at that time no one had been ban- 
ished ; but in 1644 " one Painter, for refusing to let 
his child be baptized, . . . was brought before the 
court, where he declared their baptism to be anti- 
Christian. He was sentenced to be whipped, which 
he bore without flinching, and boasted that God had 
assisted him." ^ Nor was his a solitary instance of 
severity. Yet, notwithstanding the scorn and hatred 
which the orthodox divines felt for these sectaries, 

1 Winthrop, ii. 251. ^ Hypocrisie Unmasked, 101. 

8 Hutch. Hist. i. 208, note. 



THE ANABAPTISTS. 107 

many very eminent Puritans fell into the errors of 
that persuasion. Roger Williams was a Baptist, and 
Henry Dunster, for the same heresy, was removed 
from the presidency of Harvard, and found it pru- 
dent to end his days within the Plymouth jurisdic- 
tion. Even that great champion of infant baptism, 
Jonathan Mitchell, when thrown into intimate rela- 
tions with Dunster, had doubts. 

" That day . , . after I came from him I had a 
strange experience ; I foimd hurrying and pressing 
suggestions against Paedobaptism, and injected scru- 
ples and thoughts whether the other way might not 
be right, and infant baptism an invention of men ; 
and whether I might with good conscience baptize 
children and the like. And these thoughts were 
darted in with some impression, and left a strange 
confusion and sickliness upon my spirit. Yet, me- 
thought, it was not hard to discern that they were 
from the Evil One ; . . . And it made me fearful to 
go needlessly to Mr. D. ; for methought I found a 
venom and poison In his insinuations and discourses 
against Psedobaptism." ^ 

Henry Dunster was an uncommon man. Famed for 
piety in an age of fanaticism, learned, modest, and 
brave, by the unremitting toil of thirteen years he 
raised Harvard from a school to the position which 
it has since held ; and though very poor, and starving 
on a wretched and ill-paid pittance, he gave his be- 
loved college one hundred acres of land at the mo- 
.1 Magnalia, bk. 4, ch. iv. § 10. 



108 THE ANABAPTISTS. 

ment of its sorest need.^ Yet he was a criminal, for 
he would not baptize infants, and he met with the 
" lenity and patience " which the elders were not un- 
willing should be used toward the erring. 

He was indicted and convicted of disturbing church 
ordinances, and deprived of his office in October, 1654. 
He asked for leave to stay in the house he had built 
for a few months, and his petition in November ought 
to be read to understand how heretics were made to 
suffer : — 

" 1st. The time of the year is unseasonable, being 
now very near the shortest day, and the depth of win- 
ter. 

" 2d. The place unto which I go is unknown to me 
and my family, and the ways and means of subsist- 
ance. . . . 

" 3d. The place from which I go hath fire, fuel, and 
all provisions for man and beast, laid in for the win- 
ter. . . . The house I have builded upon very damage- 
ful conditions to myseK, out of love for the college, 
taking country pay in lieu of bills of exchange on 
England, or the house would not have been built. . . . 

"4th. The persons, all beside myself, are women 
and children, on whom little help, now their minds lie 
under the actual stroke of affliction and grief. My 
wife is sick, and my youngest child extremely so, and 
hath been for months, so that we dare not carry him 
out of doors, yet much worse now than before. . . . 
Myself will willingly bow my neck to any yoke of per- 
^ Quincy's History of Harvard, i. 15. 



THE ANABAPTISTS. 109 

sonal denial, for I know for what and for whom, by 
grace I suffer." ^ "-' 

He had before asked Winthrop to cause the gov- 
ernment to pay him what it owed, and he ended his 
prayer in these words : " Considering the poverty of 
the country, I am willing to descend to the lowest 
step ; and if nothing can comfortably be allowed, I sit 
still appeased ; desiring nothing more than to supply 
me and mine with food and raiment." ^ He received 
that mercy which the church has ever shown to those 
who wander from her fold ; he was given till March, 
and then, with dues unpaid, was driven forth a broken 
man, to die in poverty and neglect. 

But Jonathan Mitchell, pondering deejDly upon the 
wages he saw paid at his very hearthstone, to the sin 
of his miserable old friend, snatched his own soul from 
Satan's jaws. And thenceforward his path lay in 
pleasant places, and he prospered exceedingly in the 
world, so that " of extream lean he grew extream fat ; 
and at last, in an extream hot season, a fever arrested 
him, just after he had been preaching. . . . Wonder- 
ful were the lamentations which this deplorable death 
fiird the churches of New England withal. . . . Yea 
, . . aU New England shook when that pillar fell to 
the ground." ^ 

Notwithstanding, therefore, clerical promises of gen- 
tleness, jMassachusetts was not a comfortable place of 
residence for Baptists, who, for the most part, went to 

1 History of Harvard, i. 18. ^ Idem, i. 20. 

^ Magnolia, bk. 4, ch. iv. § 16. 



110 THE ANABAPTISTS. 

Rhode Island ; and John Clark ^ became the pastor of 
the church which they formed at Newport about 1644. 
He had been born about 1610, and had been educated 
in London as a physician. In 1637 he landed at Bos- 
ton, where he seems to have become embroiled in the 
Antinomian controversy ; at all events, he fared so ill 
that, with several others, he left Massachusetts * re- 
solving, through the help of Christ, to get clear of all 
[chartered companies] and be of ourselves.' In the 
course of their wanderings they fell in with Williams, 
and settled near him. 

Clark was perhaps the most prominent man in the 
Plantations, filled many public offices, and was the 
commissioner who afterward secured for the colony 
the famous charter that served as the State Constitu- 
tion tiU 1842. 

Obediah Holmes, who succeeded him as Baptist 
minister of Newport, is less well known. He was ed- 
ucated at Oxford, and when he emigrated he settled 
at Salem ; from thence he went to Seaconk, where he 
joined the church under Mr. Newman. Here he soon 
fell into trouble for resisting what he maintained was 
an " unrighteous act " of his pastor's ; in consequence 
he and several more renounced the communion, and 
began to worship by themselves ; they were baptized 
and thereafter they were excommunicated ; the inev- 
itable indictment followed, and they, too, took refuge 
in Rhode Island.^ 

* For sketch of Clark's life see Allen's Biographical Dictionary. 
^ Holmes's Narrative, Backus, i. 213. 



THE ANABAPTISTS. Ill 

William Witter ^ of Lynn was an aged Baptist, 
who had already been prosecuted, but, in 1651, being 
blind and infirm, he asked the Newport church to send 
some of the brethren to him, to administer the com- 
munion, for he found himself alone in Massachusetts.^ 
Accordingly Clark undertook the mission, with Obe- 
diah Holmes and John Crandall. 

They reached Lynn on Saturday, July 19, 1651, 
and on Sunday stayed within doors in order not to 
disturb the congregation. A few friends were pres- 
ent, and Clark was in the midst of a sermon, when the 
house was entered by two constables with a warrant 
signed by Robert Bridges, commanding them to arrest 
certain " erroneous persons being strangers." The 
travellers were at once seized and carried to the tav- 
ern, and after dinner they were told that they must 
go to church. 

Gorton, like many another, had to go through this 
ordeal, and he speaks of his Sundays with much feel- 
ing : " Only some part of those dayes they brought us 
forth into their congregations, to hear their sermons 
. . . which was meat to be digested, but only by the 
heart or stomacke of an ostrich." ^ 

The unfortunate Baptists remonstrated, saying that 
were they forced . into the meeting-house, they should 
be obliged to dissent from the service, but this, the 
constable said, was nothing to him, and so he carried 

1 For the following events, see "III Newes/rom New Eng- 
land," Mass. Hist. Coll. fourth series, vol. ii. 

2 Backus, i. 216. 

8 SimpUcitie's Defence, p. 57. 



112 THE ANABAPTISTS. 

them away. On entering, during the prayer, the pris- 
oners took off their hats, but presently put them on 
again and began reading in their seats. Whereupon 
Bridges ordered the officers to uncover their heads, 
which was done, and the service was then quietly 
finished. When all was over, Clark asked leave to 
speak, which, after some hesitation, was granted, on 
condition he would not discuss what he had heard. 
vHe chegan to explain how he had put on his hat be- 
cause he could not judge that they were gathered ac- 
cording to the visible order of the Lord ; but here he 
was silenced, and the three were committed to custody 
for the night. On Tuesday they were taken to Bos- 
ton, and on the 31st were brought before Governor 
Endicott. Their trial was of the kind reserved by 
priests for heretics. No jury was impanelled, no in- 
dictment was read, no evidence was heard, but the 
prisoners were reviled by the bench as Anabaptists, 
and when they repudiated the name were asked if 
they did not deny infant baptism. The theological 
argument which followed was cut short by a recommit- 
ment to await sentence. 

That afternoon John Cotton exhorted the judges 
from the pulpit. He exj)ouuded the law, and com- 
manded them to do their duty ; he told them that 
the rejection of infant baptism would overthrow the 
church ; that this was a capital crime, and therefore 
the captives were "foul murtherers." ^ Thus inspired, 
the court came in toward evening. 
^ III Newes, p. 56. 



THE ANABAPTISTS. 113 

The record recites a number of misdemeanors, such 
as wearing the hat in church, administering the com- 
munion to the excommunicated, and the like, but no 
attempt was made to prove a single charge.^ The 
reason is obvious : the only penalty provided by stat- 
ute for the offence of being a Baptist was banishment, 
hence the only legal course would have been to dis- 
miss the accused. Endicott condemned them to fines 
of twenty, thirty, and five pounds, respectively, or to 
be whipped. Clark understood his position perfectly, 
and from the first had demanded to be shown the law 
under which he was being tried. He now, after sen- 
tence, renewed the request. Endicott well knew that 
in acting as the mouthpiece of the clergy he was vio- 
lating alike justice, his oath of office, and his honor 
as a judge; and, being goaded to fury, he broke 
out : You have deserved death ; I will not have such 
trash brought into our jurisdiction .^ Holmes tells the 
rest : " As I went from the bar, I exprest myself in 
these words, — I blesse God I am counted worthy to 
suffer for the name of Jesus ; whereupon John Wilson 
(their pastor, as they call him) strook me before the 
judgement seat, and cursed me, saying, The curse of 
God . . . goe with thee ; so we were carried to the 
prison." ^ 

All the convicts maintained that their liberty as 
English subjects had been violated, and they refused 
to pay their fines. Clark's friends, however, alarmed 
for his safety, settled his for him, and he was dis- 
charged. 

1 /// Newes, pp. 31-44. « Idem, p. 33. « Idem, p. 47. 



114 THE ANABAPTISTS. 

Crandall was admitted to bail, but being mis- 
informed as to the time of surrender, he did not ap- 
pear, his bond was forfeited, and on his return to 
Boston he found himself free. 

Thus Holmes was left to face his punishment alone. 
Actuated apparently by a deep sense of duty toward 
himself and his God, he refused the help of friends, 
and steadfastly awaited his fate. As he lay in prison 
he suffered keenly as he thought of his birth and breed- 
ing, his name, his worldly credit, and the humiliation 
which must come to his wife and children from his 
public shame ; then, too, he began to fear lest he 
might not be able to bear the lash, might flinch or shed 
tears, and bring contempt on himself and his religion. 
Yet when the morning came he was calm and reso- 
lute ; refusing food and drink, that he might not be 
said to be sustained by liquor, he betook himself to 
prayer, and when his keeper called him, with his Bi- 
ble in his hand, he walked cheerfully to the post. He 
would have spoken a few words, but the magistrate or- 
dered the executioner to do his office quickly, for this 
fellow would delude the people ; then he was seized 
and stripped, and as he cried, " Lord, lay not this sin 
unto their charge," he received the first blow.^ 

They gave him thirty lashes with a three-thonged 
whip, of such horrible severity that it was many da}s 
before he could endure to have his lacerated body 
touch the bed, and he rested propped upon his hands 
and knees.^ Yet, in spite of his tortiire, he stood firm 

1 111 Newes, pp. 48, 56. 

2 Backus, i. 237, note. MS. of Gov. Jos. Jeneks. 



THE ANABAPTISTS. 115 

and calm, showing neither pain nor fear, breaking out 
at intervals into praise to God ; and his dignity and 
courage so impressed the people that, in spite of the 
danger, numbers flocked about him when he was set 
free, in sympathy and admiration. John Spur, being 
inwardly affected by what he saw and heard, took 
him by the hand, and, with a joyful countenance, 
said : " Praised be the Lord," and so went back with 
him. That same day Spur was arrested, charged 
with the crime of succoring a heretic. Then said the 
undaunted Spur : " Obediah Holmes I do look upon 
as a godly man : and do affirm that he carried himself 
as did become a Christian, under so sad an affliction." 
" We will deal with you as we have dealt with him," 
said Endicott. " I am in the hands of God," answered 
Spur ; and then his keeper took him to his prison.^ 

Perhaps no persecutor ever lived who was actuated 
by a single motive : Saint Dominic probably had some 
trace of worldliness ; Henry VIH. some touch of 
bigotry ; and this was preeminently true of the Mas- 
sachusetts elders. Doubtless there were among them 
men like Norton, whose fanaticism was so fierce that 
they would have destroyed the heretic like the wild 
beast, as a child of the devil, and an abomination to 
God. But with the majority worldly motives predom- 
inated : they were always protesting that they did not 
constrain men's consciences, but only enforced orderly 
living. Increase Mather declared : in " the same church 
there have been Presbyterians, Independents, Epis- 
^ III Newes, p. 57. 



116 THE ANABAPTISTS. 

copalians, and Antipaedobaptists, all welcome to the 
same table of the Lord when they have manifested to 
the judgment of Christian charity a work of regener- 
ation in their souls." ^ And "VVinslow solemnly assured 
Parliament, " Nay, some in our churches " are " of 
that judgment, and as long as they [Baptists] carry 
themselves peaceably as hitherto they doe, wee will 
leave them to God." ^ 

Such statements, although intended to convey a 
false impression, contained this much truth : provided 
a man conformed to all the regulations of the church, 
paid his taxes, and held his tongue, he would not, in 
ordinary circumstances, have been molested under the 
Puritan Commonwealth. But the moment he refused 
implicit obedience, or, above all, if he withdrew from 
his congregation, he was shown no mercy, because 
such acts tended to shake the temporal power. John 
Wilson, pastor of Boston, was a good example of the 
average of his order. On his death-bed he was asked 
to declare what he thought to be the worst sins of the 
country. " ' I have long feared several sins, whereof 
one,' he said, ' was Corahism : that is, when people 
rise up as Corah against their ministers, as if they took 
too much upon them, when indeed they do but rule 
for Christ, and according to Christ.' " ^ Permeated 
with this love of power, and possessed of a superb 
organization, the clergy never failed to act on public 

^ Vindication of Neio Eng. p. 19. 

2 Hypocrisie Unmasked, p. 101. A. D. 1G46. 

* Magnalia, bk. 3, cli. iii. § 17. 



THE ANABAPTISTS. Ill 

opinion with decisive effect whenever they saw their 
worldly interests endangered. Childe has described 
the attack which overwhelmed him, and Gorton gives 
a striking account of their process of inciting a cru- 
sade : — 

" These things concluded to be heresies and blas- 
phemies. . . . The ministers did zealously preach unto 
the people the great danger of such things, and the 
. guilt such lay under that held them, stirring the people 
up to labour to find such persons out and to execute 
death upon them, making persons so execrable in the 
eyes of the people, whom they intimated should hold 
such things, yea some of them naming some of us in 
their pulpits, that the people that had not seen us 
thought us to be worse by far in any respect then those 
barbarous Indians are in the country. . . . Where- 
upon we heard a rumor that the Massachusets was 
sending out an army of men to cut us off." ^ 

The persecution of the Baptists lays bare this self- 
ish clerical policy. The theory of the suppression of 
heresy as a sacred duty breaks down when it is con- 
ceded that the heretic may be admitted to the ortho- 
dox communion without sin ; therefore the motives 
for cruelty were sordid. The ministers felt instinct- 
ively that an open toleration would impair their power ; 
not only because the congregations would divide, but 
because these sectaries listened to " John Russell the 
shoemaker." ^ Obviously, were cobblers to usurj) the 
sacerdotal functions, the superstitious reverence of the 
1 Simplicitie's Defence, p. 32. 2 jVe Sutor, p. 26. 



118 THE ANABAPTISTS. 

people for the priestly office would not long endure : 
and it was his crime in upholding this sacrilegious 
practice which made the Rev. Thomas Cobbett cry 
out in his pulpit '' against Gorton, that arch-heretick, 
who would have al men to be preachers." ^ 

Therefore, though Winslow solemnly protested be- 
fore the Commissioners at London that Baptists who 
lived peaceably would be left unmolested, yet such of 
them as listened to " foul-murtherers " ^ were de- 
nounced by the divines as dangerous fanatics who 
threatened to overthrow the government, and were 
hunted through the country like wolves. 

Thomas Gould was an esteemed citizen of Charles- 
town, but, unfortunately for himself, he had long felt 
doubt concerning infant baptism ; so when, in 1655, 
a child was born to him, he " durst not " have it 
christened. " The elder pressed the church to lay me 
under admonition, which the church was backward 
to do. Afterward I went out at the sprinkling of 
children, which was a great trouble to some honest 
hearts, and they told me of it. But I told them I 
could not stay, for I lookt upon it as no ordinance of 
Christ. They told me that now I had made known 
my judgment I might stay. ... So I stayed and sat 
down in my seat when they were at prayer and ad- 
ministring the service to infants. Then they dealt 
with me for my unreverent carriage." ^ That is to 

^ Simplicities s Defence, p. 32. See Ne Siitor, p. 26. 

2 '* /// Ncwes," Mass. Hist. Coll. fourth series, vol. ii. p. 56. 

8 Goiil Fs Xarrative, Backus, i. 364-366. 



THE ANABAPTISTS. 119 

say, his pastor, Mr. Symmes, caused him to be admon- 
ished and excluded from the communion. In Octo- 
ber, 1656, he was presented to the county court for 
" denying baptism to his child," convicted, admon- 
ished, and given till the next term to consider of his 
error ; and gradually his position at Charlestown be- 
came so unpleasant that he went to church at Cam- 
bridge, which was a cause of fresh offence to Mr. 
Symmes.^ 

From this time forward for several years, though 
no actual punishment seems to have been inflicted, 
Gould was subjected to perpetual annoyance, and was 
repeatedly summoned and admonished, both by the 
courts and the church, until at length he brought mat- 
ters to a crisis by withdrawing, and with eight others 
forming a church, on May 28, 1665. 

He thus tells his story : " We sought the Lord 
to direct us, and taking counsel of other friends who 
dwelt among us, who were able and godly, they gave 
us counsel to congregate ourselves together ; and so 
we did, ... to walk in the order of the gospel ac- 
cording to the rule of Christ, yet knowing it was a 
breach of the law of this country. . . . After we had 
been called into one or two courts, the church under- 
standing that we were gathered into church order, they 
sent three messengers from the church to me, telling 
me the church required me to come before them the 
next Lord's day." ^ That Sunday he could not go, 

^ History of Charlestown, Frothingham, p. 164. 
* Gould's Narrative, Backus, i. 369. 



120 THE ANABAPTISTS. 

but he promised to attend on the one following ; ^ and 
his wife relates what was then done : " The word was 
carried to the elder, that if they were alive and well 
they would come the next day, yet they were so hot 
upon it that they could not stay, but master Sims, 
when he was laying out the sins of these men, before 
he had propounded it to the church, to know their 
mind, the church having no liberty to speak, he 
wound it up in his discourse, and delivered them up 
to Satan, to the amazement of the people, that ever 
such an ordinance of Christ should be so abused, that 
many of the people went out ; and these were the 
excommunicated persons." ^ The sequence is com- 
plete : so long as Gould confined his heresy to pure 
speculation upon dogma he was little heeded; when 
he withheld his child from baptism and went out 
during the ceremony he was admonished, denied the 
sacrament, and treated as a social outcast ; but when 
he separated, he was excommunicated and given to 
the magistrate to be crushed. 

Passing from one tribunal to another the sectaries 
came before the General Court in October, 1665 : 
such as were freemen were disfranchised, and all were 
sentenced, upon conviction before a single magistrate 
of continued schism, to be imprisoned until further 
order.^ The following April they were fined four 
pounds and put in confinement, where they lay tiU. 

1 Gould's Narrative, Backus, i. 371. 

2 Mrs. Gould's Answer, Backus, i. 384. 
* Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 291. 



THE ANABAPTISTS. 121 

the llth of September, when the legislature, after a 
hearing, ordered them to be discharged upon payment 
of fines and costs. ^ 

How many Baptists were prosecuted, and what they 
suffered, is not known, as only an imperfect record 
remains of the fortunes of even the leaders of the 
movement ; this much, however, is certain, they not 
only continued contumacious, but jsersecution added to 
their numbers. So at length the clergy decided to try 
what effect a public refutation of these heretics would 
have on popular opinion. Accordingly the governor 
and council, actuated by " Christian candor," ordered 
the Baptists to appear at the meeting-house, at nine 
o'clock in the morning, on the 14th of April, 1668 ; 
and six ministers were deputed to conduct the dispu- 
tation.^ 

During the immolation of Dunster the Rev. Mr. 
Mitchell had made up his mind that he " would have 
an argument able to remove a mountain " before he 
would swerve from his orthodoxy ; he had since con- 
firmed his faith by preaching " more than half a score 
ungainsayable sermons " " in defence of this comfort- 
able truth," and he was now prepared to maintain it 
against all comers. Accordingly this " worth}'' man 
was he who did most service in this disputation ; 
whereof the effect was, that although the erring breth- 
ren, as is usual in such cases, made this their last 
answer to the arguments which had cast them into 
much confusion : ' Say what you will we will hold our 

1 Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 316. « Backus, i. 375. 



122 THE ANABAPTISTS. 

mind.' Yet others were happily established in the 
right walys of the Lord." ^ 

Such is the account of Cotton Mather : but the 
story of the Baptists presents a somewhat different 
view of the proceedings. " It is true there were 
seven elders appointed to discourse with them . . . 
and when they were met, there was a long speech made 
by one of them of what vile persons they were, and 
how they acted against the churches and government 
here, and stood condemned by the court. The others 
desiring liberty to speak, they would not suffer them, 
but told them they stood there as delinquents and 
ought not to have liberty to speak. . . . Two days 
were spent to little purpose ; in the close, master 
Jonathan Mitchel pronounced that dreadful sentence 
against them in Deut. xvii. 8, to the end of the 12th, 
and this was the way they took to convince them, and 
you may see what a good effect it had." ^ 

The sentence pronounced by Mitchell was this : 
" And the man that will do presumj)tuously, and will 
not hearken unto the priest that standeth to minister 
there before the Lord thy God, or unto the judge, 
even that man shall die : and thou shalt put away the 
evil from Israel." ^ 

On the 27th of May, 1668, Gould, Turner, and Far- 
num, " obstinate & turbulent Annabaptists," were ban- 
ished under pain of pei-petual imprisonment.* They 

1 Magnolia, bk. 4, ch. iv, § 10. 

2 Mrs. Gould's Answer, Backus, i. 384, 385. 

» Deut. xvii. 12. ■* Mass. Rec. vol. iv. \>t. ii, pp. 373-375. 



THE ANABAPTISTS. 123 

determined to stay and face their fate : afterward they 
wrote to the magistrates : — 



Honoured Sirs : . . . After the tenders of our 
service according to Christ, his command to your 
selves and the country, wee thought it our duty and 
concernment to present your honours with these few 
lines to put you in remembrance of our bonds: and 
this being the twelfth week of our imprisonment, wee 
should be ' glad if it might be thought to stand with 
the honour and safety of the country, and the present 
government thereof, to be now at liberty. For wee 
doe hereby seriously profess, that as farre as wee are 
sensible or know anything of our own hearts, wee do 
prefer their peace and safety above our own, however 
wee have been resented otherwise : and wherein wee 
differ in point of judgment wee humbly beeseech you, 
let there be a bearing with us, till god shal reveale 
otherwise to us ; for there is a spirit in man and the 
inspiration of the Almighty giveth them understand- 
ing, therefore if wee are in the dark, wee dare not 
say that wee doe see or understand, till the Lord shall 
cleare things up to us. And to him wee can appeale 
to cleare up our innocency as touching the govern- 
ment, both in your civil and church affaires. That it 
never was in our hearts to thinke of doing the least 
wrong to either : but have and wee hope, by your as- 
sistance, shal alwaies indeavour to keepe a conscience 
void of offence towards god and men. And if it shal 
be thought meete to afforde us our liberty, that wee 



124 THE ANABAPTISTS. 

may take that care, as becomes us, for our families, 
wee shal engage ourselves to be alwayes in a readi- 
nes to resigne up our persons to your pleasure. Hop- 
ing your honours will be laleased seriously to consider 
our condition, wee shall commend both you and it to 
the wise disj)osing and blessing of the Almighty, and 
remaine your honours faithful servants in what we 
may. 

Tho : Gold 
Will : Turner 
John Farnum.^ 

Such were the men whom the clergy daily warned 
their congregations " would certainly undermine the 
churches, mine order, destroy piety, and introduce pro- 
phaneness." ^ And when they appealed to their spot- 
less lives and their patience under affliction, they were 
told " that the vilest hereticks anJ grossest blasphem- 
ers have resolutely and cheerfully (at least sullenly 
and boastingly) suffered as well as the people of 
God." 3 

The feeling of indignation and of sympathy was, 
notwithstanding, strong ; and in spite of the danger of 
succoring heretics, sixty-six inhabitants, among whom 
were some of the most respected citizens of Charles- 
town, petitioned the legislature for mercy : " They be- 
ing aged and weakly men ; . . . the sense of this their 
. . . most deplorable and afflicted condition hath 
1 Mass. Archives, x. 220. ^ ]\t^ Sutor, p. 11. 

8 Ne Sutor, p. 9. 



THE ANABAPTISTS. 125 

sadly affected the hearts of many . . . Christians, and 
such as neither approve of their judgment or prac- 
tice ; especially considering that the men are reputed 
godly, and of a blameless conversation. . . . We 
therefox-e most humbly beseech this honored court, in 
their Christian mercy and bowels of compassion, to 
pity and relieve these poor prisoners." ^ On Novem- 
ber 7, 1668, the petition was voted " scandalous & re- 
proachful," the two chief promoters were censured, 
admonished, and fined ten and five pounds respec- 
tively ; the others were made, under their own hands, 
to express their sorrow, " for giving the court such 
just ground of offence." ^ 

The shock was felt even in England. In March, 
1669, thirteen of the most influential dissenting min- 
isters wrote from London earnestly begging for mod- 
eration lest they should be made to suffer from re- 
taliation ; but their remonstrance was disregarded.^ 
What followed is not exactly known ; the convicts 
would seem to have lain in jail about a year, and they 
are next mentioned in a letter to Clark written in No- 
vember, 1670, in which he v/as told that Turner had 
been again arrested, but that Gould had eluded the 
ofncers, who were waiting for him in Boston ; and was 
on Noddle's Island. Subsequently all were taken and 
treated with the extremest rigor ; for in June, 1672, 
Russell was so reduced that it was supposed he could 
not live, and he was reported to have died in prison. 

1 Backus, i. 380, 381. 2 ^1/^55. p^^c. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 413. 

* Backus, i. 395. 



126 THE ANABAPTISTS. 

Six months before Gould and Turner had been thought 
past hope ; their sufferings had brought them all to 
the brink of the grave.^ But relief was at hand : the 
victory for freedom had been won by the blood of 
heretics, as devoted, as fearless, but even unhappier 
than they ; and the election of Leverett, in 1673, who 
was opposed to persecution, marks the moment when 
the hierarchy admitted their defeat. During his ad- 
ministration the sectaries usually met in private un- 
disturbed ; and soon every energy of the theocracy 
became concentrated on the effort to repulse the ever 
contracting circle of enemies who encompassed it. 

During the next few years events moved fast. In 
1678 the ecclesiastical power was so shattered that the 
Baptists felt strong enough to build a church ; but the 
old despotic spirit lived even in the throes of death, 
and the legislature passed an act forbidding the erec- 
tion of unlicensed meeting-houses under penalty of 
confiscation. Nevertheless it was finished, but on the 
Sunday on which it was to have been opened tlie mar- 
shal nailed the doors fast and posted notices forbid- 
ding all persons to enter, by order of the court. After 
a time the doors were broken open, and services were 
held ; a number of the congregation were summoned 
before the court, admonished, and forbidden to meet 
in any public place ; ^ but the handwriting was now 
glowing on the wall, priestly threats had lost their 
terror ; the order was disregarded ; and now for al- 

1 Backus, i. 398-404, 405. 

2 June 11, 1680. Mass. Rec. v. 271. 



THE ANABAPTISTS. 127 

most two hundred years Massachusetts has been fore- 
most in defending the equal rights of men before the 
law. 

The old world was passing away, a new era was 
opening, and a few words are due to that singular 
aristocracy which so long ruled New England. For 
two centuries Increase Mather has been extolled as an 
eminent example of the abilities and virtues which then 
adorned his order. In 1681, when all was over, he 
published a solemn statement of the attitude the clergy 
had held toward the Baptists, and from his words pos- 
terity may judge of their standard of morality and of 
truth. 

" The Annabaptists in New England have in their 
narrative lately published, endeavoured to . . . make 
themselves the innocent persons and the Lord's ser- 
vants here no better than persecutors. ... I have 
been a poor labourer in the Lord's Vineyard in this 
place upward of twenty years ; and it is more than I 
know, if in aU that time, any of those that scruple 
infant baptism, have met with molestation from the 
magistrate merely on account of their opinion." ^ 
^ Preface to Ne Sutor. 



CHAPTER V. 

THE QUAKEES. 

The lower the organism, the less would seem to be 
the capacity for physical adaptation to changed con- 
ditions of life ; the star-fish dies in the aquarium, the 
dog has wandered throughout the world with his mas- 
ter. The same principle apparently holds true in 
the evolution of the intellect; for while tlie oyster 
lacks consciousness, the bee modifies the structure of 
its comb, and the swallow of her nest, to suit unforeseen 
contingencies, while the dog, the horse, and the ele- 
phant are capable of a high degree of education.^ 

Applying this law to man, it will be found to be a 
fact that, whereas the barbarian is most tenacious of 
custom, the European can adopt new fashions with 
comparative ease. The obvious inference is, that in 
proportion as the brain is feeble it is incapable of the 
effort of origination ; therefore, savages are the slaves 
of routine. Probably a greater nervous energy, or a 
peculiarity of environment, or both combined, served 
to excite impatience with their surroundings among 
the more favored races, from whence came a desire for 
innovation. And the mental flexibility thus slovv^ly 
developed has passed by inheritance, and has been 
^ Menial Evolution in Animals, Romanes, Am. ed. pp. 203-210. 



THE QUAKERS. 129 

strengthened by use, until the tendency to vaiy, or 
think independently, has become an irrepressible in- 
stinct among some modern nations. Conservatism is 
the converse of variation, and as it springs from men- 
tal inettia it is always a progressively salient charac- 
teristic of each group in the descending scale. The 
Spaniard is less mutable than the Englishman, the 
Hindoo than the Spaniard, the Hottentot than the 
Hindoo, and the ape than the Hottentot. Therefore, 
a povi^er whose existence depends upon the fixity of 
custom must be inimical to progress, but the authority 
of a sacred caste is altogether based upon an unreason- 
ing reverence for tradition, — in short, on superstition ; 
and as free inquiry is fatal to a belief in those fables 
w^hich awed the childhood of the race, it has followed 
that established priesthoods have been almost uni- 
formly the most conservative of social forces, and that 
clergymen have seldom failed to slay their variable 
brethren when opportunity has offered. History teems 
with such slaughters, some of the most instructive of 
which are related in the Old Testament, whose code of 
morals is purely theological. 

Though there may be some question as to the strict 
veracity of the author of the Book of Kings, yet, as he 
was evidently a thorough churchman, there can be no 
doubt that he has faithfully preserved the traditions 
of the hierarchy ; his chronicle therefore jjreseuts, as 
it were, a perfect mirror, wherein are reflected the 
workings of the ecclesiastical mind through many gen- 
erations. According to his account, the theocracy only 



130 THE QUAKERS. 

triumphed after a long and doubtful struggle. Sam- 
uel must have been an exceptionally able man, for, 
though he failed to control Saul, it was through his in- 
trigues that David was enthroned, who was profoundly- 
orthodox ; yet Solomon lapsed again into heresy, and 
Jeroboam added to schism the even blacker crime of 
making " priests of the lowest of the people, which 
were not of the sons of Levi," ^ and in consequence he 
has come down to posterity as the man who made 
Israel to sin. Ahab married Jezebel, who introduced 
the worship of Baal, and gave the support of govern- 
ment to a I'ival church. She therefore roused a hate 
which has made her immortal ; but it was not until 
the reign of her son Jehoram that Elisha apparently 
felt strong enough to execute a plot he had made with 
one of the generals to precipitate a revolution, in which 
the whole of the house of Ahab should be murdered 
and the heretics exterminated. The awful story is 
told with wonderful power in the Bible. 

" And Elisha the prophet called one of the children 
of the prophets, and said unto him. Gird up thy 
loins, and take this box of oil in thine hand, and go 
to Ramoth-gilead : and when thou comest thither, 
look out thei-e Jehu, . . . and make him arise Tip 
. . . and carry him to an inner chamber ; then take 
the box of oil, and pour it on his head, and say. 
Thus saith the Lord, I have anointed thee king over 
Israel. . . . 

"So the young man . . . went to Ramoth-gilead. 
^ 1 Kings xii. 31. 



THE QUAKERS. 131 

. . . And he said, I have an errand to thee, O cap- 
tain. . . . 

" And he arose, and went into the house ; and he 
poured the oil on his head, and said unto him, Thus 
saith the Lord God of Israel, I have anointed thee 
king over the people of the Lord, even over Israel. 

" And thou shalt smite the house of Ahab thy mas- 
ter, that I may avenge the blood of my servants the 
prophets. . . . 

" For the whole house of Ahab shall perish : . . . 
and I will make the house of Ahab like the house of 
Jeroboam the son of Nebat, . . . and the dogs shall 
eat Jezebel. . . . 

" Then Jehu came forth to the servants of his lord : 
. . . And he said, Thus spake he to me, saying, 
Thus saith the Lord, I have anointed thee king over 
Israel. 

" Then they hasted, . . . and blew with trumpets, 
saying, Jehu is king. So Jehu . . . conspired against 
Joram. . . . 

" But king Joram was returned to be healed in Jez- 
reel of the wounds which the Syrians had given him, 
when he fought with Hazael king of Syria. . . . 

" So Jehu rode in a chariot, and went to Jezreel ; 
for Joram lay there. . . . 

" And Joram . . , went out ... in his chariot, . . . 
against Jehu. . . . And it came to pass, when Joram 
saw Jehu, that he said. Is it peace, Jehu? And he 
answered, AVhat peace, so long as the whoredoms of 
thy mother Jezebel and her witchcrafts are so many ? 



132 THE QUAKERS. 

" And Joram turned his hands, and fled, and said to 
Ahaziah, There is treachery, O Ahaziah. 

" And Jehu drew a bow with his full strength, and 
smote Jehoram between his arms, and the arrow went 
out at his heart, and he sunk down in his chariot. . . . 

" But when Ahaziah the king of Judah saw this, he 
fled by the way of the garden house. And Jehu fol- 
lowed after him, and said. Smite him also in the 
chariot. And they did so. . . . 

"And when Jehu was come to Jezreel, Jezebel 
heard of it ; and she painted her face, and tired her 
head, and looked out at a window. 

" And as Jehu entered in at the gate, she said. Had 
Zimri peace, who slew his master ? . . . 

" And he said, Throw her down. So they threw her 
down : and some of her blood was sprinkled on the 
wall, and on the horses : and he trod her under 
foot. . . . 

" And Ahab had seventy sons in Samaria. And 
Jehu wrote letters, ... to the elders, and to them 
that brought up Ahab's children, saying, ... If ye 
be mine, . . . take ye the heads of . . . your mas- 
ter's sons, and come to me to Jezreel by to-morrow 
this time. . . . And it came to pass, when the letter 
came to them, that they took the king's sons, and 
slew seventy persons, and put their heads in baskets, 
and sent him them to Jezreel. . . . 

" And he said. Lay ye them in two heaps at the en- 
tering in of the gate until the morning. . . . 

" So Jehu slew all that remained of the house of 



THE QUAKERS. 133 

Ahab in Jezreel, and all his great men, and his kins- 
folks, and his priests, until he left him none remaining. 

" And he arose and departed, and came to Samaria. 
And as he was at the shearing house in the way, Jehu 
met with the brethren of Ahaziah king of Judah. . . . 

" And he said. Take them alive. And they took 
them alive, and slew them at the pit of the shearing- 
house, even two and forty men ; neither left he any of 
them. . . . 

" And when he came to Samaria, he slew all that re- 
mained unto Ahab in Samaria, till he had destroyed 
him, according to the saying of the Lord, which he 
spake to Elijah. 

" And Jehu gathered all the people together, and 
said unto them, Ahab served Baal a little ; but Jehu 
shall serve him much. Now therefore call unto me 
all the prophets of Baal, all his servants, and all his 
priests ; let none be wanting : for I have a great sac- 
rifice to do to Baal ; whosoever shall be wanting, 
he shall not live. But Jehu did it in subtilty, to 
the intent that he might destroy the worshippers of 
Baal. . . . 

" And Jehu sent throug^h all Israel : and all the wor- 
shippers of Baal came, so that there was not a man 
left that came not. And they came into the house of 
Baal ; and the house of Baal was full from one end to 
another. . . . 

"And it came to pass, as soon as he had made an 
end of offering the burnt offering, that Jehu said to 
the guard and to the captains, Go in, and slay them ; 



134 THE QUAKERS. 

let none come forth. And they smote them with the 
edge of the sword ; and the guard and the captains 
cast them out. . . . 

" Thus Jehu destroyed Baal out of Israel." ^ 
Viewed from the standpoint of comparative history, 
the policy of theocratic Massachusetts toward the 
Quakers was the necessary consequence of antecedent 
causes, and is exactly parallel with the massacre of 
the house of Ahab by Elisha and Jehu. The power 
of a dominant priesthood depended on conformity, 
and the Quakers absolutely refused to conform ; nor 
was this the blackest of their crimes : they believed 
that the Deity communicated directly with men, and 
that these revelations were the highest rule of con- 
duct. Manifestly such a doctrine was revolutionary. 
The influence of all ecclesiastics must ultimately rest 
upon the popular belief that they are endowed with 
attributes which are denied to common men. The syl- 
logism of the New England elders was this : all rev- 
elation is contained in the Bible ; we alone, from our 
peculiar education, are capable of interpreting the 
meaning of the Scriptures : therefore we only can de- 
clare the will of God. But it was evident that, were 
the dogma of " the inner light " once accepted, this 
reasoning must fall to the ground, and the authority 
of the ministry be overthrown. Necessarily those who 
held so subversive a doctrine would be pursued with 
greater hate than less harmful heretics, and thus con- 
templating the situation there is no difficulty in un- 
derstanding why the Rev. John Wilson, pastor of 
^ 2 Kings ix., x. 



THE QUAKERS. 135 

Boston, should have vociferated in his pulpit, that "he 
would carry fire in one hand and faggots in the other, 
to burn all the Quakers in the world ; " ^ why the Rev. 
John Higginson should have denounced the inner 
light " as "a stinking vapour from hell ; " ^ why the 
astute Norton should have taught that "the justice of 
God was the devil's armour ; " ^ and why Endicott 
sternly warned the first comers, " Take heed you 
break not our ecclesiastical laws, for then ye are sure 
to stretch 'by a halter." * 

Nevertheless, this view has not commended itself to 
those learned clergymen who have been the chief his- 
torians of the Puritan commonwealth. They have, on 
the contrary, steadily maintained that the sectaries 
were the persecutors, since the company had exclusive 
ownership of the soil, and acted in self-defence. 

The case of Roger Williams is thus summed up by 
Dr. Dexter : " In all strictness and honesty he per- 
secuted them — not they him ; just as the modern 
' Come-outer,' who persistently intrudes his bad man- 
ners and pestering presence upon some private com- 
pany, making himself, upon pretence of conscience, a 
nuisance there ; is — if sane — the persecutor, rather 
than the man who forcibly assists, as well as courte- 
ously requires, his desired departure." ^ 

1 New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 124. 

2 Truth and Innocency Defended, ed. 1703, p. 80. 

* New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 9. 

* Idem, p. 9. 

^ As to Roger Williams, p. 90. 



136 THE QUAKERS. 

Dr. Ellis makes a similar argument regarding the 
Quakers : " It might appear as if good manners, and 
generosity and magnanimity of spirit, would have 
kept the Quakers away. Certainly, by every rule of 
right and reason, they ought to have kejDt away. They 
had no rights or business here. . . . Most clearly they 
courted persecution, suffering, and death ; and, as the 
magistrates affirmed, 'they rushed uj^on the sword.' 
Those magistrates never intended them harm, . . . ex- 
cept as they believed that all their successive measures 
and sharper penalties were positively necessary to se- 
cure their jurisdiction from the wildest lawlessness 
and absolute anarchy." ^ His conclusion is : " It is to 
be as frankly and positively affirmed that their Qua- 
ker tormentors were the aggressive party ; that they 
wantonly initiated the strife, and with a dogged per- 
tinacity persisted in outrages which drove the author- 
ities almost to frenzy. . . ." ^ 

The proposition that the CongTegationalists owned 
the territory granted by the charter of Charles I. as 
though it were a private estate, has been considered 
in an earlier chapter ; and if the legal views there ad- 
vanced are sound, it is incontrovertible, that all peace- 
ful British subjects had a right to dwell in Massa- 
chusetts, provided they did not infringe the monopoly 
in trade. The only remaining question, therefore, is 
whether the Quakers were peaceful. Dr. Ellis, Dr. 
Palfrey, and Dr. Dexter have carefully collected a 
certain number of cases of misconduct, with the view 

^ Mass. and its Early History, p. 110. 
2 Idem, p. 104. 



THE QUAKERS. 137 

of proving that the Friends were turbulent, and the 
government had reasonable grounds for apprehending 
such another outbreak as one which occurred a cen- 
tury before in Germany and is known as the Peas- 
ants' War. Before, however, it is possible to enter 
upon a consideration of the evidence intelligently, it 
is necessary to fix the chronological order of the lead- 
ing events of the persecution. 

The twenty-one years over which it extended may 
be conveniently divided into three periods, of which 
the first began in July, 1G56, when Mar}' Fisher and 
Anne Austin came to Boston, and lasted till Decem- 
ber, 1661, when Charles II. interfered by command- 
ing Endicott to send those under arrest to England 
for trial. Hitherto John Norton had been preeminent, 
but in that same December he was appointed on a 
mission to London, and as he died soon after his re- 
turn, his direct influence on affairs then probably 
ceased. He had been chiefly responsible for the hang- 
ings of 1659 and 1660, but under no circumstances 
could they have been continued, for after four heretics 
had perished, it was found impossible to execute 
AYenlock Christison, who had been condemned, be- 
cause of popular indignation. 

Nevertheless, the respite was brief. In June, 1662, 
the king, in a letter confirming the charter, excluded 
the Quakers from the general toleration which he 
demanded for other sects, and the old legislation was 
forthwith revived ; only as it was found impossible to 
kill the schismatics openly, the inference, from what 



138 THE QUAKERS. 

occurred subsequently, is unavoidable, that the elders 
sought to attain their purpose by what their reverend 
historians call " a humaner policy," ^ or, in plain Eng- 
lish, by murdering them by flogging and starvation. 
Nor was the device new, for the same stratagem had 
already been resorted to by the East India Company, 
in Ilindostan, before they were granted full criminal 
jurisdiction.^ 

The Vagabond Act was too well contrived for com- 
passing such an end, to have been an accident, and 
portions of it strongly suggest the hand of Norton. 
It was passed in May, 1661, when it was becoming 
evident that hanging must be abandoned, and its pro- 
visions can only be explained on the supposition that 
it was the intention to make the infliction of death 
discretionary with each magistrate. It provided that 
any foreign Quaker, or any native upon a second con- 
viction, might be ordered to receive an unlimited 
number of stripes. It is important also to observe 
that the whip was a two-handed implement, armed 
with lashes made of twisted and knotted cord or cat- 
gut.^ There can be no doubt, moreover, that sundry 
of the judgments afterward pronounced would have 
resulted fatally had the people permitted their execu- 
tion. During the autumn following its enactment 
this statute was suspended, but it was revived in about 
ten months. 

^ As to Roger Williams, p. 134. 

2 Mill's British India, i. 48, note. 

• New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 357, note. 



THE QUAKERS. 139 

Endicott's death in 1665 marks the close of the 
second epoch, and ten comparatively tranquil years 
followed. Bellingham's moderation may have been in 
part due to the interference of the royal commission- 
ers, but a more potent reason was the popular dis- 
gust, which had become so strong that the penal laws 
could not be enforced. 

A last effort was made to rekindle the dying flame 
in 1675, by fining constables who failed in their duty 
to break up Quaker meetings, and offering one third 
of the penalty to the informer. Magistrates were re- 
quired to sentence those apprehended to the House of 
Correction, where they were to be kept three days on 
bread and water, and whipped.^ Several suffered 
during this revival, the last of whom was Margaret 
Brewster. At the end of twenty-one years the policy 
of cruelty had become thoroughly discredited and a 
general toleration could no longer be postponed ; but 
this great liberal triumph was only won by heroic 
courage and by the endurance of excruciating tor- 
ments. Marmaduke Stevenson, William Eobinson, 
Mary Dyer, and William Leddra were hanged, sev- 
eral were mutilated or branded, two at least are known 
to have died from starvation and whipping, and it is 
probable that others were killed whose fate cannot be 
traced. The number tortured under the Vagabond 
Act is unknown, nor can any estimate be made of the 
misery inflicted upon children by the ruin and exile 
of parents. 

1 Mass. Rec. v. 60. 



140 THE QUAKERS. 

The early Quakers were enthusiasts, and therefore 
occasionally spoke and acted extravagantly ; they also 
adopted some offensive customs, the most objectionable 
of which was wearing the hat ; all this is immaterial. 
The question at issue is not their social attractiveness, 
but the cause whose consequence was a virulent perse- 
cution. This can only be determined by an analysis 
of the evidence. If, upon an impai'tial review of the 
cases of outrage which have been collected, it shall 
appear probable that the conduct of the Friends was 
sufficiently violent to make it credible that the legis- 
lature spoke the truth, when it declared that " the 
prudence of this court was exercised onely in making 
provission to secure the peace & order heere estab- 
lished against theire attempts, whose designe (wee were 
well assured by our oune experjence, as well as by the 
example of theire predecessors in Munster) was to 
vndermine & ruine the same ; " ^ then the reverend 
historians of the theocracy must be considered to 
have established their proposition. But if, on the other 
hand, it shall seem apparent that the intense vindic- 
tiveness of this onslaught was due to the bigotry and 
greed of power of a despotic priesthood, who saw in 
the spread of independent thought a menace to the 
ascendency of their order, then it must be held to be 
demonstrated that the clergy of New England acted 
in obedience to those natural laws, which have always 
regulated the conduct of mankind. 

1 Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 1, p. 385. 



THE QUAKERS. 141 

CHRONOLOGY. 

1656, July. First Quakers came to Boston. 

1656, 14 Oct. First act against Quakers passed. 
Providing that ship-masters bringing Quakers should 
be fined .£100. Quakers to be whipped and impris- 
oned till expelled. Importers of Quaker books to be 
fined. Any defending Quaker opinions to be fined, 
first offence, 40s. ; second, £4 ; third, banishment. 

1657, 14 Oct. By a supplementary act ; Quakers 
returning after one conviction for first offence, for men, 
loss of one ear ; imprisonment till exile. Second of- 
fence, loss other ear, like imprisonment. For females ; 
first offence, whipping, imprisonment. Second offence, 
idem. Third offence, men and women alike ; tongue 
to be bored with a hot iron, imprisonment, exile.^ 

1658, In this year Rev. John Norton actively ex- 
erted himself to secure more stringent legislation ; 
procured petition to that effect to be presented to 
court. 

1658, 19 Oct. Enacted that undomiciled Quakers 
returning from banishment should be hanged. Dom- 
iciled Quakers upon conviction, refusing to apostatize, 
to be banished, under pain of death on return.^ 

Under this act the following persons were hanged : 

1659, 27 Oct. Robinson and Stevenson hanged. 

1660, 1 June. Mary Dyer hanged. (Previously 
condemned, reprieved, and executed for returning.) 

1660-1661, 14 Mar. "William Leddra hanged. 
1 Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 1, p. 309. " Idem, p. 346. 



142 THE QUAKERS. 

1661, June. Wenlock Christison condemned to 
death ; released. 

1661, 22 May. Vagabond Act. Any person con- 
victed before a county magistrate of being an undomi- 
ciled or vagabond Quaker to be stripped naked to the 
middle, tied to the cart's tail, and flogged from town 
to town to the border. Domiciled Quakers to be pro- 
ceeded against under Act of 1658 to banishment, and 
then treated as vagabond Quakers. The death pen- 
alty was still preserved but not enforced.^ 

1661, 9 Sept. King Charles II. wrote to Governor 
Endicott directing the cessation of corporal punish- 
ment in regard to Quakers, and ordering the accused 
to be sent to England for trial. 

1661, 27 Nov. Vagabond Act suspended. 

1662, 28 June. The company's agents, Bradstreet 
and Norton, received from the king his letter of par- 
don, etc., wherein, however, Quakers are excepted from 
the demand made for religious toleration. 

1662, 8 Oct. Encouraged by the above letter the 
Vagabond law revived. 

1664-5, 15 March. Death of John Endicott. Bel- 
lingham governor. Commissioners interfere on be- 
half of Quakers in May. The persecution subsides. 

1672, 3 Nov. Persecution revived by passage of 
law punishing persons found at Quaker meeting by 
fine or imprisonment and flogging. Also fining con- 
stables for neglect in making arrests and giving one 
third the fine to informers.^ 

^ Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 3. ^ Mass. Rec. v. 60. 



THE QUAKERS. 143 

1677, Aug. 9. Margaret Brewster whipped for en- 
tering the Old South in sackcloth. 

TURBULENT QUAKERS. 

1656, Mary Prince. 1662, Deborah Wilson. 

1658, Sarah Gibbons. 1663, Thomas Newhouse. 
" Dorothy Waugh. " Edward Wharton. 

1660, John Smith. 1664, Hannah Wriglit.^ 

1661, Katherine Chatham. " Mary Tomkins. 

" George Wilson. 1665, Lydia WardweU. 

1662, Elizabeth Hooton. 1677, Margaret Brewster. 

" It was in the month called Jidy, of this present 
year [1656] when Mary Fisher and Ann Austin 
arrived in the road before Boston, before ever a law 
was made there against the Quakers ; and yet they 
were very ill treated ; for before they came ashore, the 
deputy governor, Richard Bellingham (the governor 
himself being out of town) sent officers aboard, who 
searched their trunks and chests, and took away the 
books they found there, which were about one hun- 
dred, and carried them ashore, after having com- 
manded the said women to be kept prisoners aboard ; 
and the said books were, by an order of the council, 
burnt in the market-place by the hangman. . . . And 
then they were shut up close prisoners, and command 
was given that none should come to them without 
leave ; a fine of five pounds being laid on any that 
should otherwise come at, or speak with them, tho' but 
at the window. Their pens, ink, and paper were 
^ Uncertain. 



144 THE QUAKERS. 

taken from them, and they not suffered to have any 
candle-light in the night season ; nay, what is more, 
they were stript naked, under pretence to know 
whether they were witches [a true touch of sacerdo- 
tal malignity] tho' in searching no token was found 
upon them but of innocence. And in this search they 
were so barbarously misused that modesty forbids to 
mention it : And that none might have communica- 
tion with them a board was nailed up before the win- 
dow of the jail. And seeing they were not provided 
with victuals, Nicholas Upshal, one who had lived 
long in Boston, and was a member of the church 
there, was so concerned about it, (liberty being denied 
to send them provision) that he purchas'd it of the 
jailor at the rate of five shillings a week, lest they 
should have starved. And after having been about 
five weeks prisoners, William Chichester, master of a 
vessel, was bound in one hundred pound bond to 
carry them back, and not suffer any to speak with 
them, after they were put on board ; and the jailor 
kept their beds . . . and their Bible, for his fees." ^ 

Endicott was much dissatisfied with the forbearance 
of Bellingham, and declared that had he " been there 
... he would have had them well whipp'd." ^ No ex- 
ertion was spared, nevertheless, to get some hold upon 
them, the elders examining them as to matters of faith, 
with a \dew to ensnare them as heretics. In this, how- 
ever, they were foiled. 

1 Sewel, p. 160. 

2 New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 10. 



THE QUAKERS. 146 

On the authority of Hutchinson, Dr. Dexter ^ and 
Dr. Palfrey complain ^ that Mary Prince reviled two 
of the ministers, who " with much moderation and ten- 
derness endeavored to convince her of her errors." ^ 
A visitation of the clergy was a form of torment from 
which even the boldest recoiled ; Vane, Gorton, Childe, 
and Anne Hutchinson quailed under it, and though 
the Quakers abundantly proved that they could bear 
stripes with patience, they could not endure this. 
She called them " Baal's priests, the seed of the ser- 
pent." Dr. Ellis also speaks of " stinging objurga- 
tions screamed out . . . from between the bars of 
their prisons." * He cites no cases, but he probably 
refers to the same woman who called to Endicott one 
Sunday on his way from church : " Woe unto thee, 
thou art an oppressor." ^ If she said so she spoke the 
truth, for she was illegally imprisoned, was deprived 
of her property, and subjected to great hardship. 

In October, 1656, the first of the repressive acts 
was passed, by which the " cursed " and " blasphe- 
mous " intruders were condemned to be " comitted to 
the house of correction, and at theire entrance to 
be seuerely whipt and by the master thereof to be 
kept constantly to worke, and none suffered to con- 
verse or speak w*^ them ;"^ and any captain know- 
ingly bringing them within the jurisdiction to be fined 
one hundred pounds, with imprisonment till payment. 

1 As to Roger Williams, p. 127. 2 Palfrey, ii. 464. 

8 Hutch. Hist. i. 181. ^ j^^j^^ ^^^^ of Boston, i. 182. 

6 Hutch. Hist. i. 181. « Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 1, p. 278. 



146 THE QUAKERS. 

" When this law was published at the door of 
the aforenamed Nicholas Upshall, the good old man, 
grieved in spirit, publickly testified against it; for 
which he was the next morning sent for to the Gen- 
eral Court, where he told them that : ' The execution 
of that law would be a forerunner of a judgment upon 
their country, and therefore in love and tenderness 
which he bare to the people and place, desired them 
to take heed, lest they were found fighters against 
God.' For this, he, though one of their church- 
members, and of a blameless conversation, was fined 
.£20 and <£3 more for not coming to church, whence 
the sense of their wickedness had induced him to ab- 
sent himself. They also banished him out of their 
jurisdiction, allowing him but one month for his de- 
parture, though in the winter season, and he a weakly 
ancient man : Endicott the governor, when applied to 
on his behaK for a mitigation of his fine, churlishly 
answered, ' I will not bate him a groat.' " ^ 

Although, after the autumn of 1656, whippings, 
fines, and banishments became frequent, no case of 
misconduct is alleged until the 13th of the second 
month, 1658, when Sarah Gibbons and Dorothy 
Waugh broke two bottles in Mr. Norton's church, 
after lecture, to testify to his emptiness ;2 both had 
previously been imprisoned and banished, but the 
ferocity with which Norton at that moment was for- 
cing on the persecution was the probable incentive to 
the trespass. " They were sent to the house of cor- 
rection, where, after being kept three days without 
^ Besse, ii. 181. ^ This charge is unproved. 



THE QUAKERS. 147 

aoy food, they were cruelly whipt, and kept three days 
longer without victuals, though they had offered to 
buy some, but were not suffered." ^ 

In 1661 Katharine Chatham walked through Bos- 
ton, in sackcloth. This was during the trial of Chias- 
tison for his life, when the terror culminated, and 
hardly needs comment. 

George Wilson is charged with having "rushed 
through the streets of Boston, shouting : ' The Lord 
is coming with fire and sword! ' " 2 Xhe facts appear 
to be these : in 1661, just before Christison's trial, he 
was arrested, without any apparent reason, and, as 
he was led to prison, he cried, that the Lord was 
coming with fire and sword to plead with Boston.^ 
At the general jail delivery * in anticipation of the 
king's order, he was liberated, but soon rearrested, 
" sentenced to be tied to the cart's tail," and flogged 
with so severe a whip that the Quakers wanted to buy 
it " to send to England for the novelty of the cruelty, 
but that was not permitted." ^ 

Elizabeth Hooton coming from England in 1661, 
with Joan Brooksup, " they were soon clapt up in 
prison, and, upon their discharge thence, being driven 
with the rest two days' journey into the vast, howl- 
ing wilderness, and there left . . . without necessary 
provisions."^ They escaped to Barbadoes. "Upon 

^ Besse, ii. 184. 2 j^g iq Roger Williams, p. 133. 

8 Neio England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 351. 
* Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 19. Order passed 28 May, 1661. 
6 Besse, ii. 224. e Besse, ii. 228, 229. 



148 THE QUAKERS. 

their coming again to Boston, they were presently ap- 
prehended by a constable, an ignorant and furious 
zealot, who declared, ' It was his delight, and he could 
rejoice in following the Quakers to their execution 
as much as ever.' " Wishing to return once more, 
she obtained a license from the king to buy a house in 
any plantation. Though about sixty, she was seized 
at Dover, where the Rev. Mr. Rayner was settled, put 
into the stocks, and imprisoned four days in the dead 
of winter, where she nearly perished from cold.^ Af- 
terward, at Cambridge, she exhorted the people to 
repentance in the streets,^ and for this crime, which 
is cited as an outrage to Puritan decorum,^ she was 
once more apprehended and " imprisoned in a close, 
stinking dungeon, where there was nothing either to 
lie down or sit on, where she was kept two days and 
two nights without bread or water," and then sen- 
tenced to be whipped through three towns. "At 
Cambridge she was tied to the whipping-post, and 
lashed with ten stripes with a three-stringed whip, 
with three knots at the end : At Watertown she was 
laid on with ten stripes more with rods of willow : At 
Dedham, in a cold frosty morning, they tortured her 
aged body with ten stripes more at a cart's tail." 
The peculiar atrocity of flogging from town to town 
lay in this : that the victim's wounds became cold 

1 Besse, ii. 229. 

2 " Repentance ! Repentance ! A day of howling and sad 
lamentation is coming upon you all from the Lord." 

8 As to Roger Williams, p. 133. 



THE QUAKERS. .149 

between the times of punishment, and in winter some- 
times frozen, which made the torture intolerably- 
agonizing. Then, as hanging was impossible, other 
means were tried to make an end of her: "Thus 
miserably torn and beaten, they carried her a weary 
journey on horseback many miles into the wilder- 
ness, and toward night left her there among wolves, 
bears, and other wild beasts, who, though they did 
sometimes seize on living persons, were yet to her less 
cruel than the savage - professors of that country. 
When those who conveyed her thither left her, they 
said, ' They thought they should never see her 
more.' " i 

The intent to kill is obvious, and yet Elizabeth 
Hooton suffered less than many of those convicted 
and sentenced after public indignation had forced the 
theocracy to adopt what their reverend successors are 
pleased to call the " humaner policy " of the Vaga- 
bond Act.2 

Any want of deference to a clergyman is sure to be 
given a prominent place in the annals of Massachu- 
setts; and, accordingly, the breaking of bottles in 
church, which happened twice in twenty-one years, is 
never omitted. 

In 1663 " John Liddal, and Thomas Newhouse, 
having been at meeting " (at Salem), " were appre- 
hended and . . . sentenced to be whipt through three 
towns as vagabonds," which was accordingly done. 

1 Besse, ii. 229. See New England Judged, p. 413. 

2 As to Roger Williams, p. 134. 



150 THE QUAKERS. 

" Not long after this, the aforesaid Thomas New- 
house was again whipt through the jurisdiction of 
Boston for testifying against the persecutors in their 
meeting-house there ; at which time he, in a prophetick 
manner, having two glass bottles in his hands, threw 
them down, saying, ' so shall you be dashed in 
pieces.' " ^ 

The next turbulent Quaker is mentioned in this 
way by Dr. Dexter : " Edward Wharton was ' pressed 
in spirit ' to repair to Dover and proclaim ' Wo, ven- 
geance, and the indignation of the Lord' upon the 
court in session there." ^ This happened in the sum- 
mer of 1663, and long ere then he had seen and 
suffered the oppression that makes men mad. He 
was a peaceable and industrious inhabitant of Salem ; 
in 1659 he had seen Robinson and Stevenson done to 
death, and, being deeply moved, he said, " the guilt 
of [their] blood was so great that he could not bear 
it ; " ^ he was taken from his home, given twenty lashes 
and fined twenty pounds ; the next year, just at the 
time of Christison's trial, he was again seized, led 
through the country like a notorious offender, and 
thrown into prison, " where he was kept close, night 
and day, with William Leddra, sometimes in a very 
little room, little bigger than a saw-pit, having no lib- 
erty granted them." 

" Being brought before their court, he again asked, 
' What is the cause, and wherefore have I been 

1 Besse, ii. 232. ^ As to Roger Williams, p. 133. 

8 Besse, ii. 205. 



THE QUAKERS. 151 

fetcht from my habitation, where I was following my 
honest calling, and here laid up as an evil-doer?' 
They told him, that ' his hair was too long, and that 
he had disobeyed that commandment which saith, 
Honour thy father and mother.' He asked, ' Where- 
in ? ' 'In that you will not,' said they, ' put off your 
hat to magistrates.' Edward replied, ' I love and 
own all magistrates and rulers, who are for the pun- 
ishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that 
do well.' " 1 

Then Rawson pronounced the sentence : " You are 
upon pain of death to depart this jurisdiction, it being 
the 11th of this instant March, by the one and twen- 
tieth of the same, on the pain of death. . . . ' Nay 
[said Wharton], I shall not go away; therefore be 
careful what you do.' " ^ 

And he did not go, but was with Leddra when he 
died upon the tree. On the day Leddra suffered, 
Christison was brought before Endicott, and com- 
manded to renounce his religion ; but he answered : 
"Nay, I shall not change my religion, nor seek to 
save my life ; . . . but if I lose my life for Christ's 
sake and the preaching of the gospel, I shall save 
it." They then sent him back to prison to await his 
doom. At the next court he was brought to the bar, 
where he demanded an appeal to England ; but in the 
midst a letter was brought in from Wharton, signify- 
ing, " That whereas they had banished him on pain of 
death, yet he was at home in his own house at Salem, 

» Besse, ii. 220. a Besse, ii, 221. 



152 THE QUAKERS. 

and therefore proposing, ' That they would take off 
their wicked sentence from him, that he might go 
about his occasions out of their jurisdiction.' " ^ 

Endicott was exasperated to frenzy, for he felt the 
ground crumbling beneath him ; he put the fate of 
Christison to the vote, and failed to carry a condem- 
nation. " The governor seeing this division, said, ' I 
could find it in my heart to go home ; ' being in such 
a rage, that he flung something furiously on the table. 
. . . Then the governor put the court to vote again ; 
but this was done confusedly, which so incensed the 
governor that he stood up and said, ' You that will 
not consent record it : I thank God I am not afraid 
to give judgment. . . . Wenlock Christison, hearkeu 
to your sentence : You must return unto the place 
from whence you came, and from thence to the place 
of execution, and there you must be hang'd until 
you are dead, dead, dead.' " ^ Thereafter Wharton 
invoked the wrath of God against the theocracy. 

To none of the enormities committed during these 
years are the divines more keenly alive than to the 
crime of disturbing what they call "public Sabbath 
worship ;" ^ and since their language conveys the im- 
pression that such acts were not only very common, 
but also unprovoked, whereas the truth is that they 
were rare, it cannot fail to be instructive to relate the 
causes which led to the interruption of the ordination 

1 Besse, ii. 222, 223. 

2 Sewel, p. 279. 

* As to Roger Williams, p. 139. 



THE QUAKERS. 153 

of that Mr. Higginson, who called the " inner light " 
" a stinking vapour from hell." ^ 

John and Margaret Smith were members of the Sa- 
lem church, and John was a freeman. In 1658, Marga- 
ret became a Quaker, and though in feeble health, she 
was cast into prison, and endured the extremities of 
privation ; her sufferings and her patience so wrought 
upon her husband that he too became a convert, and 
a few weeks before the ceremony wrote to Endicott : 

" O governour, governour, do not think that my love 
to my wife is at all abated, because I sit still silent, 
and do not seek her . . . freedom, which if I did would 
not avail. . . . Uijon examination of her, there being 
nothing justly laid to her charge, yet to fulfil your 
wills, it was determined, that she must have ten stripes 
in the open market place, it being very cold, the snow 
lying by the walls, and the wind blowing cold. . . . 
My love is much more increased to her, because I see 
your cruelty so much enlarged to her." ^ 

Yet, though laboring under such intense excite- 
ment, the only act of insubordination wherewith this 
man is charged was saying in a loud voice during the 
service, " What you are going about to set up, our 
God is pulling down." ^ 

Dr. Dexter also speaks with pathos of the youth of 
some of the criminals. 

" Hannah Wright, a mere girl of less than fifteen 
Bummers, toiled . . . from Oyster Bay ... to Boston, 

* Ordained July 8, 1660. Annals of Salem. 

2 Besse, ii. 208, 209. » Hutch. Hist. i. 187. 



154 THE QUAKERS. 

that she might pipe in the ears of the court ' a warn- 
ing in the name of the Lord.' " ^ This appears to 
have happened in 1664,^ yet the name of Hannah 
Wright is recorded among those who were released in 
the general jail delivery in 1661,^ when she was only 
twelve ; and her sister had been banished.* 

But of all the scandals which have been dwelt on 
for two centuries with such unction, none have been 
made more notorious than certain extravagances com- 
mitted by three women ; and regarding them, the 
reasoning of Dr. Dexter should be read in full. 

" The Quaker of the seventeenth century . . . was 
essentially a coarse, blustering, conceited, disagree- 
able, impudent fanatic ; whose religion gained subjec- 
tive comfort in exact proportion to the objective com- 
fort of which it was able to deprive others ; and which 
broke out into its choicest exhibitions in acts which 
were not only at that time in the nature of a public 
scandal and nuisance, but which even in the brightest 
light of this nineteenth century . . . would subject 
those who should be guilty of them to the immediate 
and stringent attention of the police court. The 
disturbance of public Sabbath worship, and the inde- 
cent exposure of the person — whether conscience be 
pleaded for them or not — are punished, and rightly 
punished, as crimes by every civilized government." ^ 

^ As to Roger Williams, p. 133. 

2 Besse, ii. 234. New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 461. 

8 Besse, ii. 224. * New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 461. 

^ As to Roger Williams, pp. 138, 139. 



THE QUAKERS. 155 

This paragraph undoubtedly refers to Mary Tom- 
kins, who " on the First Day of the week at Oyster 
River, broke up the service of God's house . . . the 
scene ending in deplorable confusion ; " ^ and to Lydia 
Wardwell and Deborah Wilson, who appeared in 
public naked. 

Mary Tomkins and Alice Ambrose came to Massa- 
chusetts in 1662 ; landing at Dover, they began preach- 
ing at the inn, to which a number of people resorted. 
Mr. Rayner, hearing the news, hurried to the spot, 
and in much irritation asked them what they were 
doing there ? This led to an argument about the 
Trinity, and the authority of ministers, and at last 
the clergyman " in a rage flung away, calling to his 
people, at the window, to go from amongst them." ^ 
Nothing was done at the moment, but toward winter 
the two came back from Maine, whither they had 
gone, and then Mr. Rayner saw his opportunity. He 
caused Richard Walden to prosecute them, and as the 
magistrate was ignorant of the technicalities of the 
law, the elder acted as clerk, and drew up for him 
the following warrant : — 

To the Constables of Dover, Hampton, Salisbury, 
Newbury, Rowley, Ipsvsdch, Wenham, Linn, Bos- 
ton, Roxbury, Dedham, and until these vagabond 
Quakers are carried out of this jurisdiction. 
You and every of you are required, in the King's 

^ As to Roger Williams, p. 133. 

2 New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 362. 



156 THE QUAKERS. 

Majesty's name, to take these vagabond Quakers, 
Anne Coleman, Mary Tomkins and Alice Ambrose, 
and make them fast to the cart's tail, and driving 
the cart through your several towns, to whip them on 
their backs, not exceeding ten stripes apiece on each 
of them in each town, and so to convey them from 
constable to constable, till they come out of this 
jurisdiction, as you will answer it at your peril : and 
this shall be your warrant. 

Per me Richard Walden. 

At Dover, dated December the 22d, 1662.1 

The Rev. John Rayner pronounced judgment of 
death by flogging, for the weather was bitter, the dis- 
tance to be walked was eighty miles, and the lashes 
were given with a whip, whose three twisted, knotted 
thongs cut to the bone. 

" So, in a very cold day, your deputy, Walden, caused 
these women to be stripp'd naked from the middle up- 
ward, and tyed to a cart, and after a while cruelly 
whipp'd them, whilst the priest stood and looked, and 
laughed at it. . , . They went with the executioner to 
Hampton, and through dirt and snow at Salisbury, 
half way the leg deep, the constable forced them after 
the cart's tayl at which he whipp'd them." ^ 

Had the Reverend John Rayner but followed the 
cart, to see that his three hundred and thirty lashes 
were all given with the same ferocity which warmed 
his heart to mirth at Dover, before his journey's end 

1 Besse, ii. 227. 2 ^g^, England Judged, pp. 366, 367. 



THE QUAKERS. 157 

he would certainly have joyed in giving thanks to 
God over the women's gory corpses, freezing amid the 
snow. His negligence saved their lives, for when the 
ghastly pilgrims passed through Salisbury, the people 
to their eternal honor set the captives free. 

Soon after, on Sunday, — " Whilst Alice Ambrose 
was at prayer, two constables . . . came . . . and 
taking her . . . dragged her out of doors, and then 
with her face toward the snow, which was knee deep, 
over stumps and old trees near a mile ; when they had 
wearied themselves they . . . left the prisoner in an 
house . . . and fetched Mary Tomkins, whom in like 
manner they dragged with her face toward the snow. 
. . . On the next morning, which was excessive cold, 
they got a canoe . . . and so carried them to the har- 
bour's mouth, threatning, that ' They would now so do 
with them, as that they would be troubled with them no 
more.' The women being unwilling to go, they forced 
them down a very steep place in the snow, dragging 
Mary Tomkins over the stumps of trees to the water 
side, so that she was much bruised, and fainted under 
their hands : They plucked Alice Ambrose into the 
water, and kept her swimming by the canoe in great 
danger of drowning, or being frozen to death. They 
would in all probability have proceeded in their wicked 
purpose to the murthering of those three women, had 
they not been prevented by a sudden storm, which 
drove them back to the house again. They kept the 
women there till near midnight, and then cruelly 
turned them out of doors in the frost and snow, Alice 



168 THE QUAKERS. 

Ambrose's clothes being frozen hard as boards. . . , 
It was observable that those constables, though wicked 
enough of themselves, were animated by a ruling elder 
of their church, whose name corresponded not with his 
actions, for he was called Hate-evil Nutter, he put 
those men forward, and by his presence encouraged 
them." 1 

Subsequently, Mary Tomkins committed the breach 
of the peace complained of, which was an interruption 
of a sermon against Quaker preaching.^ 

Deborah Wilson, one of the women who went 
abroad naked, was insane, the fact appearing of rec- 
ord subsequently as the judgment of the court.^ She 
was flogged. 

Lydia Wardwell was the daughter of Isaac Per- 
kins, a freeman. She married Eliakim Wardwell, 
son of Thomas Wardwell, who was also a citizen. 
They became Quakers ; and the story begins when 
the poor young woman had been a wife just three 
years. "At Hampton, Priest Seaborn Cotton, un- 
derstanding that one Eliakim Wardel had entertained 
Wenlock Christison, went with some of his herd to 
Eliakim's house, having like a sturdy herdsman put 
himself at the head of his followers, with a truncheon 
in his hand." * Eliakim was fined for harboring 
Christison, and " a pretty beast for the saddle, worth 
about fourteen pound, was taken . . . the overplus of 

1 Besse, ii. 228. 

2 New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 386. 

* Quaker Invasion, p. 104. * Sewel, p. 340. 



THE QUAKERS. 169 

which to make up to him, your officers plundred old 
William Marston of a vessel of green ginger, which 
for some fine was taken from him, and forc'd it into 
Eliakim's house, where he let it lie and touched it 
not ; . . . and notwithstanding he came not to your 
invented worship, but was fined ten shillings a day's 
absence, for him and his wife, yet was he often rated 
for priest's hire ; and the priest (Seaborn Cotton, old 
John Cotton's son) to obtain his end and to cover 
himself, sold his rate to a man almost as bad as him- 
self, . . . who coming in pretence of borrowing a little 
corn for himself, which the harmless honest man 
willingly lent him ; and he finding thereby that he 
had corn, which was his design, Judas-like, he went 
. . . and measured it away as he pleased." 

" Another time, the said Eliakim being rated to the 
said priest. Seaborn Cotton, the said Seaborn having 
a mind to a pied heifer Eliakim had, as Ahab had to 
Naboth's vineyard, sent his servant nigh two miles to 
fetch her ; who having robb'd Eliakim of her, brought 
her to his master." . . . 

" Again the said Eliakim was had to your court, 
and being by them fined, they took almost all his 
marsh and meadow-ground from him to satisfie it, 
which was for the keeping his cattle alive in winter 
. . . and [so] seized and took his estate, that they 
plucked from him most of that he had." ^ 

Lydia Wardwell, thus reduced to penury, and 
shaken by the daily scenes of unutterable horror 
1 New England Judged, ed. 1703, pp. 374-376. 



160 THE QUAKERS. 

through which she had to pass, was totally unequal 
to endure the strain under which the masculine intel- 
lect of Anne Hutchinson had reeled. She was pur- 
sued by her pastor, who repeatedly commanded her 
to come to church and explain her absence from com- 
munion.^ The miserable creature, brooding over her 
blighted life and the torments of her friend^ became 
possessed with the delusion that it was her duty to 
testify against the barbarity of flogging naked women ; 
so she herself went in among them naked for a sign. 
There could be no clearer proof of insanity, for it is 
admitted that in every other respect her conduct was 
exemplary. 

Her judges at Ipswich had her bound to a rough 
post of the tavern, in which they sat, and then, while 
the splinters tore her bare breasts, they had her flesh 
cut from her back with the lash.^ 

" Thus they served the wife, and the husband 
escaped not free ; ... he taxing Simon Broadstreet, 
. . . for upbraiding his wife . . . and telling Simon 
of his malitious reproaching of his wife who was an 
honest woman . . . and of that report that went 
abroad of the known dishonesty of Simon's daughter, 
Seaborn Cotton's wife ; Simon in a fierce rage, told the 
court, ' That if such fellows should be suffered to 
speak so in the court, he would sit there no more : ' So 
to please Simon, Eliakim was sentenc'd to be stripp'd 
from his waste upward, and to be bound to an oak- 

1 Besse, ii. 235. 

2 New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 377. 



THE QUAKERS. 161 

tree that stood by their worship-house, and to be 
whipped fifteen lashes ; ... as they were having him 
out ... he called to Seaborn Cotton ... to come 
and see the work done (so far was he from being 
daunted by their cruelty), who hastned out and fol- 
lowed him thither, and so did old Wiggins, one of the 
magistrates, who when Eliakim was tyed to the tree 
and stripp'd, said ... to the whipper . . . ' Whip him 
a good ; ' which the executioner cruelly performed with 
cords near as big as a man's little finger ; . . . Priest 
Cotton standing near him . . . Eliakim . . . when he was 
loosed from the tree, said to him, amongst the people, 
' Seaborn, hath my py'd heifer calv'd yet ? ' Which 
Seaborn, the priest, hearing stole away like a thief." ^ 

As Margaret Brewster was the last who is known to 
have been whipped, so is she one of the most famous, 
for she has been immortalized by Samuel Sewall, an 
honest, though a dull man. 

"July 8, 1677. New Meeting House Mane: In 
sermon time there came in a female Quaker, in a 
canvas frock, her hair disshevelled and loose like a 
Periwigg, her face as black as ink, led by two other 
Quakers, and two other followed. It occasioned the 
greatest and most amazing uproar that I ever saw. 
Isaiah 1. 12, 14." 2 

In 1675 the persecution had been revived, and the 
stories the woman heard of the cruelties that were 
perpetrated on those of her own faith inspired her 

1 New England Judged, ed. 1703, pp. 377-379. 

2 Mass. Hist. Coll. fifth series, v. 43. 



162 THE QUAKERS. 

with the craving to go to New England to protest 
against the wrong ; so she journeyed thither, and en- 
tered the Old South one Sunday morning clothed in 
sackcloth, with ashes on her head. 

At her trial she asked for leave to speak : " Gov- 
ernour, I desire thee to hear me a little, for I have 
something to say in behalf of my friends in this place : 
. . . Oh governour! I cannot but press thee again 
and again, to put an end to these cruel laws that you 
have made to fetch my friends from their peaceable 
meetings, and keep them three days in the house of 
correction, and then whip them for worshipping the 
true and living God: Governour! Let me entreat 
thee to put an end to these laws, for the desire of my 
soul is, that you may act for God, and then would you 
prosper, but if you act against the Lord and his 
blessed truth, you will assuredly come to nothing, the 
mouth of the Lord hath spoken it." . . . 

" Margaret Brewster, You are to have your clothes 
stript off to the middle, and to be tied to a cart's 
tail at the South Meeting House, and to be drawn 
through the town, and to receive twenty stripes upon 
your naked body." 

" The will of the Lord be done : I am content- 
ed." ... 

Governour. " Take her away." ^ 

So ends the sacerdotal list of Quaker outrages, for, 
after Margaret Brewster had expiated her crime of 
protesting against the repression of free thought, there 

1 Besse, ii. 263, 264. 



THE QUAKERS. 163 

came a toleration, and with toleration a deep tran- 
quillity, so that the very name of Quaker has become 
synonymous with quietude. The issue between them 
and the Congregationalists must be left to be decided 
upon the legal question of their right as English sub- 
jects to inhabit Massachusetts ; and secondarily upon 
the opinion which shall be formed of their conduct as 
citizens, upon the testimony of those witnesses whom 
the church herseK has called. But regarding the 
great fundamental struggle for liberty of individual 
opinion, no presentation of the evidence could be his- 
torically correct which did not include at least one 
example of the fate that awaited peaceful families, un- 
der this ecclesiastical government, who roused the ire 
of the priests. 

Lawrence and Cassandra Southwick were an asred 
couple, members of the Salem church, and Lawrence 
was a freeman. Josiah, their eldest son, was a man ; 
but they had beside a younger boy and girl named 
Daniel and Provided. 

The father and mother were first arrested in 1657 
for harboring two Quakers ; Lawrence was soon re- 
leased, but a Quaker tract was found upon Cassan- 
dra.i Although no attempt seems to have been made 
to prove heresy to bring the case within the letter of 
the law, the paper was treated as a heretical writing, 
and she was imprisoned for seven weeks and fined 
forty shillings. 

Persecution made converts fast, and in Salem par- 

1 Besse, ii. 183. 



164 THE QUAKERS. 

ticularly a number withdrew from the church and be- 
gan to worship by themselves. All were soon arrested, 
and the three South^vicks were again sent to Boston, 
this time to serve as an example. They arrived on 
the 3d of February, 1657 ; without form of trial they 
were whipped in the extreme cold weather and im- 
prisoned eleven days. Their cattle were also seized 
and sold to pay a fine of £4 13s. for six weeks' ab- 
sence from worship on the Lord's day. 

The next summer, Leddra, who was afterwards 
hanged, and William Brend went to Salem, and sev- 
eral persons were seized for meeting with them, 
among whom were the Southwicks. A room was pre- 
pared for the criminals in the Boston prison by board- 
ing up the windows and stopping ventilation.^ They 
were refused food unless they worked to pay for it ; 
but to work when wrongfully confined was against 
the Quaker's conscience, so they did not eat for five 
days. On the second day of fasting they were flogged, 
and then, with wounds undressed, the men and women 
together were once more locked in the dark, close 
room, to lie upon the bare boards, in the stifling July 
heat; for they were not given beds. On the fourth 
day they were told they might go if they would pay 
the jail fees and the constables ; but they refused, and 
so were kept in prison. On the morrow the jailer, 
thinking to bring them to terms, put Brend in irons, 
neck and heels, and he lay without food for sixteen 
hours upon his back lacerated with flogging. 
1 New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 64. 



THE QUAKERS. 165 

The next day the miserable man was ordered to 
work, but he lacked the strength, had he been willing, 
for he was weak from starvation and pain, and stiff- 
ened by the irons. And now the climax came. The 
jailer seized a tarred rope and beat him till it broke ; 
then, foaming with fury, he dragged the old man down 
stairs, and, with a new rope, gave him ninety-seven 
blows, when his strength failed ; and Brend, his flesh 
black and beaten to jelly, and his bruised skin hang- 
ing in bags full of clotted blood, was thrust into his 
cell. There, upon the floor of that dark and fetid 
den, the victim fainted. But help was at hand ; an 
outcry was raised, the people could bear no more, the 
doors were opened, and he was rescued.^ 

The indignation was deep, and the government was 
afraid. Endicott sent his own doctor, but the surgeon 
said that Brend's flesh would " rot from off his bones," 
and he must die. And now the mob grew fierce and 
demanded justice on the ruffian who had done this 
deed, and the magistrates nailed a paper on the 
church door 25romising to bring him to trial. 

Then it was that the true spirit of his order blazed 
forth in Norton, for the jailer was fashioned in his 
own image, and he threw over him the mantle of the 
holy church. He made the magistrates take the paper 
down, rebuking them for their faintness of heart, say- 
ing to them : — 

William " Brend endeavoured to beat our gospel 
ordinances black and blue, if he then be beaten black 
1 New England Jxuiged, ed. 1703, p. QQ. 



166 THE QUAKERS. 

and blue, it is but just upon him, and I will appear in 
his behalf that did so." ^ And the man was justified, 
and commanded to whip " the Quakers in prison . . . 
twice a week, if they refused to work, and the first 
time to add five stripes to the former ten, and each 
time to add three to them. . . . Which order ye sent 
to the jaylor, to strengthen his hands to do yet more 
cruelly ; being somewhat weakened by the fright of 
his former doings." ^ 

After this the Southwicks, being still unable to ob- 
tain their freedom, sent the following letter to the 
magistrates, which is a good example of the writings 
of these " coarse, blustering, . . . impudent fanat- 
ics : " 3 — 

ITiis to the Magistrates at Court in Salem. 
Friends, 

Whereas it was your pleasures to commit us, whose 
names are under-written, to the house of correction 
in Boston, altho' the Lord, the righteous Judge of 
heaven and earth, is our witness, that we had done 
nothing worthy of stripes or of bonds ; and we being 
committed by your court, to be dealt withal as the 
law provides for foreign Quakers, as ye please to term 
us ; and having some of us, suffered your law and 
pleasures, now that which we do expect, is, that where- 
as we have suffered your law, so now to be set free by 

1 Besse, ii. 186. 

2 New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 67. 
* As to Roger Williams, p. 138. 



THE QUAKERS. 167 

the same law, as yoiir manner is with strangers, and 
not to put us in upon the account of one law, and 
execute another law upon us, of which, according to 
your own manner, we were never convicted as the law 
expresses. If you had sent us upon the account of 
your new law, we should have expected the jaylor's 
order to have been on that account, which that it was 
not, appears by the warrant which we have, and the 
punishment which we bare, as four of us were whipp'd, 
among whom was one that had formerly been whipp'd, 
so now also according to your former law. Friends, 
let it not be a small thing in your eyes, the exposing 
as much as in you lies, our families to ruiue. It 's 
not unknown to you the season, and the time of the 
year, for those that live of husbandry, and what their 
cattle and families may be exposed unto ; and also 
such as live on trade ; we know if the spirit of Christ 
did dwell and rule in you, these things would take 
impression on your spirits. What our lives and 
conversations have been in that place, is well known ; 
and what we now suffer for, is much for false reports, 
and ungrounded jealousies of heresie and sedition. 
These thing lie upon us to lay before you. As for our 
parts, we have true peace and rest in the Lord in all 
our sufferings, and are made willing in the power and 
strength of God, freely to offer up our lives in this 
cause of God, for which we suffer; Yea and we do 
find (through grace) the enlargements of God in our 
imprisoned state, to whom alone we commit ourselves 
and families, for the disposing of us according to his 



168 THE QUAKERS. 

infinite wisdom and pleasure, in whose love is our 
rest and life. 



From the House of Bondage in Boston wherein 
we are made captives by the wills of men, al- 
though made free by the Son, John 8, 36. In 
which we quietly rest, this 16th of the 5th 
month, 1658. 

Lawkence \ 
Cassandra V Southwick 

JOSIAH J 

Samuel Shattock 
Joshua Buffum.^ 

What the prisoners apprehended was being kept in 
prison and punished under an ex-post facto law, and this 
was precisely what was done. When brought into court 
they demanded to be told the crime wherewith they 
were charged. They were answered : " It was ' En- 
tertaining the Quakers who were their enemies ; not 
coming to their meetings ; and meeting by themselves.' 
They adjoyned, ' That as to those things they had al- 
ready fastned their law upon them.' ... So ye had 
nothing left but the hat, for which (then) ye had no 
law. They answered — that they intended no offence 
to ye in coming thither . . . for it was not their man- 
ner to have to do with courts. And as for withdraw- 
ing from their meetings, or keeping on their hats, or 
doing anything in contempt of them, or their laws, 
1 New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 74. 



THE QUAKERS. 169 

they said, the Lord was their witness . . . that they 
did it not. So ye rose up, and bid the jaylor take 
them away." ^ 

An acquittal seemed certain ; yet it was intoler- 
able to the clergy that these accursed blasphemers 
should elude them when they held them in their 
grasp ; wherefore, the next day, the Rev. Charles 
Chauncy, preaching at Thursday lecture, thus taught 
Christ's love for men : " Suppose ye should catch six 
wolves in a trap . . . [there were six Salem Quakers] 
and ye cannot prove that they killed either sheep or 
lambs ; and now ye have them they will neither bark 
nor bite : yet they have the plain marks of wolves. 
Now I leave it to your consideration whether ye will 
let them go alive, yea or nay." ^ 

Then the divines had a consultation, "and your 
priests were put to it, how to prove them as your law 
had said : and ye had them before you again, and 
your priests were with you, every one by his side (so 
came ye to your court) and John Norton must ask 
them questions, on purpose to ensnare them, that by 
your standing law for hereticks, ye might condemn 
them (as your priests before consulted) and when this 
would not do (for the Lord was with them, and made 
them wiser than your teachers) ye made a law to ban- 
ish them, upon pain of death. . . ." ^ 

After a violent struggle, the ministers, under Nor- 
ton's lead, succeeded, on the 19th of October, 1658, 

1 New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 85. 

2 Idem, pp. 85, 86. » Idem, p. 87. 



170 THE QUAKERS. 

in forcing the capital act through the legislature, 
which contained a clause making the denial of rever- 
ence to superiors, or in other words, the wearing the 
hat, evidence of Quakerism.^ 

On that very day the bench ordered the prisoners 
at Ipswich to be brought to the bar, and the South- 
wicks were bidden to depart before the spring elec- 
tions.^ They did not go, and in May were once more 
in the felon's dock. They asked what wi'ong they 
had done. The judges told them they were rebellious 
for not going as they had been commanded. The old 
man and woman piteously pleaded " that they had no 
otherwhere to go," nor had they done anything to 
deserve banishment or death, though <£100 (all they 
had in the world) had been taken from them for 
meeting together.^ 

" Major-General Dennison replied, that ' they stood 
against the authority of the country, in not submitting 
to their laws : that he should not go about to speak 
much concerning the error of their judgments : but,' 
added he, ' you and we are not able well to live to- 
gether, and at present the power is in our hand, and 
therefore the stronger must send off.' " * 

The father, mother, and son were banished under 
pain of death. The aged couple were sent to Shelter 
Island, but their misery was well-nigh done ; they 

1 New England Judged, ed. 1703, pp. 100, 101 ; Mass. Rec. 
vol. iv. pt. 1, p. 346. 

2 Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 1, p. 349. 

8 New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 106. * Besse, ii. 198. 



THE QUAKERS. 171 

perished within a few days of each other, tortured to 
death by flogging and starvation. 

Josiah was shipped to England, but afterward re- 
turned, was seized, and in the " seventh month, 1661, 
you had him before you, and at which according to 
your former law, he should have been tried for his 
life." 

" But the great occasion you took against him, was 
his hat, which you commanded him to pull off: ' He 
told your governour he could not.' You said, ' He 
would not.' He told you, ' It was a cross to his will 
to keep it on ; . . . and that he could not do it for 
conscience sake.' . . . But your governour told him, 
' That he was to have been tryed for his life, but that 
you had made your late law to save his life, which, 
you said, was mercy to him.' Then he asked you, 
' Whether you were not as good to take his life now, 
as to whip him after your manner, twelve or fourteen 
times at the cart's tail, through your towns, and then 
put him to death afterward ? ' " He was condemned 
to be flogged through Boston, Roxbury, and Ded- 
ham; but he, when he heard the judgment, "with 
arms stretched out, and hands spread before you, said, 
' Here is my body, if you want a further testimony of 
the truth I profess, take it and tear it in pieces . . . 
it is freely given up, and as for your sentence I matter 
it not.' " 1 

This coarse, blustering, impudent fanatic had, in- 
deed, " with a dogged pertinacity persisted in out- 
1 New England Judged, ed. 1703, pp. 354-356. 



172 THE QUAKERS. 

rages which " had driven " the authorities ahnost to 
frenzy; " therefore they tied him to a cart and lashed 
him for fifteen miles, and while he " sang to the 
praise of God," his tormentor swung with all his 
might a tremendous two-handed whip, whose knotted 
thongs were made of twisted cat-gut ; ^ "thence he was 
carried fifteen miles from any town into the wilder- 
ness." 2 

An end had been made of the grown members of 
the family, but the two children were still left. To 
reach them, the device was conceived of enforcing 
the penalty for not attending church, since " it was 
well known they had no estate, their parents being al- 
ready brought to poverty by their rapacious persecu- 
tors." 3 

Accordingly, they were summoned and asked to ac- 
count for their absence from worship. Daniel an- 
swered " that if they had not so persecuted his father 
and mother perhajjs he might have come." * They 
were fined ; and on the day on which they lost their 
parents forever, the sale as slaves of this helpless boy 
and girl was authorized to satisfy the debt.^ 

Edmund Batter, treasurer of Salem, brought the 
children to the town, and went to a shipmaster who 
was about to sail, to engage a passage to Barbadoes. 

^ New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 357, note. 

2 Besse, ii. 225. 

8 Sewel, p. 223. 

* New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 381. 

5 Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 1, p. 366. 



THE QUAKERS. 173 

The captain made the excuse that they would cor- 
rupt his ship's company. "Oh, no," said Batter, 
" you need not fear that, for they are poor harmless 
creatures, and will not hurt any body." ..." Will 
they not so ? " broke out the sailor, " and will ye offer 
to make slaves of so harmless creatures ? " ^ 

Thus were free-born English subjects and citizens 
of Massachusetts dealt with by the priesthood that 
ruled the Pui'itan Commonwealth. 

None but ecclesiastical partisans can doubt the bear- 
ing of such evidence. It was the mortal struggle be- 
tween conservatism and liberality, between repression 
and free thought. The elders felt it in the marrow of 
their bones, and so declared it in their laws, denoun- 
cing banishment under pain of death against those 
" adhering to or approoving of any knoune Quaker, or 
the tenetts & practices of the Quakers, . . . manifest- 
ing thereby theire compljance w*** those whose designe 
it is to ouerthrow the order established in church and 
comon wealth." ^ 

Dennison spoke with an unerring instinct when he 
said they could not live together, for the faith of the 
Friends was subversive of a theocracy. Their belief 
that God revealed himseK directly to man led with 
logical certainty to the substitution of individual judg- 
ment for the rides of conduct dictated by a sacred 
class, whether they claimed to derive their authority 
from their skill in interj)reting the Scriptures, or from 

1 New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 112, 
^ Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 1, p. 346. 



174 THE QUAKERS. 

traditions preserved by Apostolic Succession. Each 
man, therefore, became, as it were, a priest unto him- 
self, and they repudiated an ordained ministry. Hence, 
their crime resembled that of Jeroboam, the son of 
Nebat, who " made priests of the lowest of the people, 
which were not of the sons of Levi ; " ^ and it was for 
this reason that John Norton and John Endicott re- 
solved upon their extermination, even as Elisha and 
Jehu conspired to exterminate the house of Ahab. 

That they failed was due to no mercy for their vic- 
tims, nor remorse for the blood they made to flow, but 
to their inability to control people. Nothing is plainer 
upon the evidence, than that popular sympathy was 
never with the ecclesiastics in their ferocious policy ; 
and nowhere does the contrast of feeling shine out 
more clearly than in the story of the hanging of Rob- 
inson and Stevenson. 

The figure of Norton towers above his contempora- 
ries. He held the administration in the hollow of his 
hand, for Endicott was his mouthpiece ; yet even he, 
backed by the whole power of the clergy, barely suc- 
ceeded in forcing through the Chamber of Deputies the 
statute inflicting death. 

" The priests and rulers were all for blood, and they 
pursued it. . . . This the deputies withstood, and it 
could not pass, and the opposition grew strong, for the 
thing came near. Deacon Wozel was a man much af- 
fected therewith ; and being not well at that time that 

^ Jeroboam's sin is discussed in Ne Sutor, p. 25 ; Divine Right 
of Infant Baptism, p. 26. 



THE QUAKERS. 175 

he supposed the vote might pass, he earnestly desired 
the speaker ... to send for him when it was to be, 
lest by his absence it might miscarry. The deputies 
that were against the . . . law, thinking themselves 
strong enough to cast it out, forbore to send for him. 
The vote was put and carried in the affirmative, — 
the speaker and eleven being in the negative and thir- 
teen in the affirmative : so one vote carried it ; which 
troubled Wozel so . . . that he got to the court, . . . 
and wept for grief, . . . and said ' If he had not been 
able to go, he would have crept upon his hands and 
knees, rather than it should have been.' " ^ 

After the accused had been condemned, the people, 
being strongly moved, flocked about the prison, so 
that the magistrates feared a rescue, and a guard was 
set. 

As the day approached the murmurs grew, and on 
the morning of the execution the troops were under 
arms and the streets patrolled. Stevenson and Robin- 
son were loosed from their fetters, and Mary Dyer, 
who also was to die, walked between them; and so 
they went bravely hand in hand to the scaffold. The 
prisoners were put behind the drums, and their voices 
drowned when they tried to speak ; for a great multi- 
tude was about them, and at a word, in their deep ex- 
citement, would have risen.^ 

As the solemn procession moved along, they came to 
where the Reverend John Wilson, the Boston pastor, 

1 New England J.udged, ed. 1703, pp. 101, 102. 

2 Idem, pp. 122, 123. 



176 THE QUAKERS. 

stood with others of the clergy. Then Wilson " fell a 
taunting at Robinson, and, shaking his hand in a light, 
scoffing manner, said, ' Shall such Jacks as you come 
in before authority with your hats on ? ' with many 
other taunting words." Then Robinson replied, " Mind 
you, mind you, it is for the not putting off the hat we 
are put to death." ^ 

When they reached the gallows, Robinson calmly 
climbed the ladder and spoke a few words. He told 
the people they did not suffer as evil-doers, but as 
those who manifested the truth. He besought them to 
mind the light of Christ within them, of which he tes- 
tified and was to seal with his blood. 

He had said so much when Wilson broke in upon 
him : " Hold thy tongue, be silent ; thou art going to 
dye with a lye in thy mouth." ^ Then they seized him 
and bound him, and so he died ; and his body was 
"cast into a hole of the earth," where it lay uncovered. 

Even the voters, the picked retainers of the church, 
were almost equally divided, and beyond that narrow 
circle the tide of sympathy ran strong. 

The Rev. John Rayner stood laughing with joy to 
see Mary Tomkins and Alice Ambrose flogged through 
Dover, on that bitter winter day; but the men of 
Salisbury cut those naked, bleeding women from the 
cart, and saved them from their awful death. 

The Rev. John Norton sneered at the tortures of 
Brend, and brazenly defended his tormentor ; but the 

' New England Judged, ed. 1703, p. 124. 
« Idem, p. 125. 



THE QUAKERS. Ill 

Boston mob succored the victim as he lay fainting on 
the boards of his dark cell. 

The Rev. Charles Chauncy, preaching the word of 
God, told his hearers to kill the South wicks like 
wolves, since he could not have their blood by law ; 
but the honest sailor broke out in wrath when asked 
to traffic in the flesh of our New England children. 

The Rev. John AVilson jeered at Robinson on his 
way to meet his death, and reviled him as he stood 
beneath the gibbet, over the hole that was his grave ; 
but even the savage Endicott knew well that all the 
trainbands of the colony could not have guarded 
Christison to the gallows from the dungeon where he 
lay condemned. 

Yet awful as is this Massachusetts tragedy, it is 
but a little fragment of the sternest struggle of the 
modern world. The power of the priesthood lies in 
submission to a creed. In their onslaughts on rebel- 
lion they have exhausted human torments ; nor, in 
their lust for earthly dominion, have they felt remorse, 
but rather joy, when slaying Christ's enemies and 
their own. The horrors of the Inquisition, the Mas- 
sacre of St. Bartholomew, the atrocities of Laud, the 
abominations of the Scotch Kirk, the persecution of 
the Quakers, had one object, — the enslavement of 
the mind. 

Freedom of thought is the greatest triumph over 
tyranny that brave men have ever won ; for this they 
fought the wars of the Reformation ; for this they 
have left their bones to whiten upon unnumbered 



178 THE QUAKERS. 

fields of battle ; for this they have gone by thousands 
to the dungeon, the scaffold, and the stake. We owe 
to their heroic devotion the most priceless of our 
treasures, our perfect liberty of thought and speech ; 
and all who love our country's freedom may well rev- 
erence the memory of those martyred Quakers by 
whose death and agony the battle in New England 
has been won. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

Had tlie Puritan Commonwealtli been in reality 
the thing which its historians have described ; had it 
been a society guided by men devoted to civil liberty, 
and as liberal in religion as was consistent with the 
temper of their age, the early relations of Massachu- 
setts toward Great Britain might now be a pleasanter 
study for her children. Cordiality toward Charles I. 
would indeed have been imjjossible, for the Puritans 
well knew the fate in store for them should the court 
triumph. Gorges was the representative of the des- 
potic policy toward America, and so early as 1634, 
probably at his instigation, Laud became the head of 
a commission, with absolute control over the planta- 
tions, while the next year a writ of quo warranto was 
brought against the patent.^ With Naseby, however, 
these dangers vanished, and thenceforward there would 
have been nothing to mar an affectionate confidence 
in both Parliament and the Protector. 

In fact, however, Massachusetts was a petty state, 
too feeble for independence, yet ruled by an autocratic 
priesthood whose power rested upon legislation antag- 
onistic to English law; therefore the ecclesiastics 
^ See introduction to New Canaan, Prince Soc. ed. 



180 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

were jealous of Parliament, and had little love for 
Cromwell, whom they found wanting in " a thorough 
testimony against the blasphemers of our days." ^ 

The result was that the elders clung obstinately to 
every privilege which served their ends, and repudi- 
ated every obligation which conflicted with their am- 
bition. Clerical political morality seldom fails to be 
instructive, and the following example is typical of that 
peculiar mode of reasoning. The terms of admission 
to ordinary corporations were fixed by each organiza- 
tion for itself, but in case of injustice the courts could 
give relief by setting aside unreasonable ordinances, 
and sometimes Parliament itself would interfere, as it 
did upon the petition against the exactions of the Mer- 
chant Adventurers. Now there was nothing upon 
which the theocracy more strongly insisted than that 
" our charter doeth expresly give vs an absolute & 
free choyce of our oune members ; " ^ because by means 
of a religious test the ministers could pack the con- 
stituencies with their tools ; but on the other hand 
they as strenuously argued "that no appeals or other 
ways of interrupting our proceedings do lie against 
us," ^ because they well knew that any bench of judges 
before whom such questions might come would annul 
the most vital of their statutes as repugnant to the 
British Constitution. 

Unfortunately for these churchmen, their objects, 

a Diary of Hull, Palfrey, ii. 400, 401, and note. 
5« Mass. Rec. v. 287. 
» Winthrop, ii. 283. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 181 

as ecclesiastical politicians, could seldom be reconciled 
with their duty as English subjects. At the outset, 
though made a corporation within the realm, they felt 
constrained to organize in America to escape judicial 
supervision. They were then obliged to incorporate 
towns and counties, to form a representative assembly, 
and to levy general taxes and duties, none of which 
things they had power to do. Still, such irregularities 
as these, had they been all, most English statesmen 
would have overlooked as unavoidable. But when it 
came to adopting a criminal code based on the Penta- 
teuch, and, in support.of a dissenting form of worship, 
fining and imj)risoning, whipping, mutilating, and 
hanging English subjects without the sanction of 
English law ; when, finally, the Episcopal Church it- 
self was suppressed, and peaceful subjects were ex- 
cluded from the corporation for no reason but because 
they partook of her communion, and were forbidden 
to seek redress by appealing to the courts of their 
king, it seems impossible that any self-respecting gov- 
ernment could have long been passive. 

At the Restoration Massachusetts had grown arro- 
gant from long impunity. She thought the time of 
reckoning would never come, and even in trivial mat- 
ters seemed to take a pride in slighting Great Britain 
and in vaunting her independence. Laws were en- 
acted in the name of the Commonwealth, the king's 
name was not in the ^vrits, nor were the royal arms 
upon the public buildings ; even the oath of allegiance 
was rejected, though it was unobjectionable in form. 



182 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

She had grown to believe that were offence taken she 
had only to invent pretexts for delay, to have her 
fault forgotten in some new revolution. General 
Denison, at the Quaker trials, put the popular belief 
in a nut-shell: " This year ye will go to complain to 
the Parliament, and the next year they will send to 
see how it is ; and the third year the government is 
changed." ^ 

But, beside these irritating domestic questions, the 
corporation was bitterly embroiled with its neighbors. 
Samuel Gorton and his friends were inhabitants of 
Rhode Island, and were, no doubt, troublesome to deal 
with; but their particular offence was ecclesiastical. 
An armed force was sent over the border and they 
were seized. They were brought to Boston and tried 
on the charge of being " blasphemous enemies of the 
true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of all his 
holy ordinances, and likewise of all civil government 
among his people, and particidarly within this juris- 
diction." ^ All the magistrates but three thought that 
Gorton ought to die, but he was finally sentenced to 
an imprisonment of barbarous cruelty. The invasion 
of Rhode Island was a violation of an independent 
jurisdiction, the arrest was illegal, the sentence an 
arbitrary outrage.*^ 

Massachusetts was also at feud in the north, and 
none of her quarrels brought more serious results than 

1 Sewel, p. 280. 2 Winthrop, ii. 146. 

8 See paper of Mr. Charles Deane, New Eng. Historical and 
Genealogical Register, vol. iv. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 183 

this with the proprietors of New Hampshire and 
Maine. The grant in the charter was of all lands 
between the Charles and Merrimack, and also all 
lands within the space of three miles to the northward 
of the said Merrimack, or to the northward of any 
part thereof, and all lands lying within the limits 
aforesaid from the Atlantic to the South Sea. 

Clearly the intention was to give a margin of three 
miles beyond a river which was then supposed to flow 
from west to east, and accordingly the territory to the 
north, being unoccupied, was granted to Mason and 
Gorges. Nor was this construction questioned before 
1639 — the General Court having at an early day 
measured off the three miles and marked the boun- 
dary by what was called the Bound House. 

Gradually, however, as it became known that the 
Merrimack rose to the north, larger claims were made. 
In 1641 the four New Hampshire towns were ab- 
sorbed with the consent of their inhabitants, who thus 
gained a regular government ; another happy con- 
sequence was the settlement of sundry eminent di- 
vines, by whose ministrations the people " were very 
much civilized and reformed." ^ 

In 1652 a survey was made of the whole river, and 
43° 40' 12" was fixed as the latitude of its source. A 
line extended east from three miles north of this point 
came out near Portland, and the intervening space 
was forthwith annexed. The result of such a policy 
was that Charles had hardly been crowned before 
^ Neal's New England, i. 210. 



184 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

complaints poured in from every side. Quakers, Bap- 
tists, Episcopalians, all who had suffered persecution, 
flocked to the foot of the throne; and beside these 
came those who had been injured in their estates, fore- 
most of whom were the heirs of Mason and Gorges. 
The pressure was so great and the outcry so loud that, 
in September, 1660, it was thought in London a gov- 
ernor-general would be sent to Boston ; ^ and, in point 
of fact, almost the first communication between the 
king and his colony was his order to spare the Qua- 
kers. 

The outlook was gloomy, and there was hesitation 
as to the course to pursue. At length it was decided 
to send Norton and Bradstreet to England to present 
an address and protect the public interests. The mis- 
sion was not agreeable ; Norton especially was reluct- 
ant, and with reason, for he had been foremost in the 
Quaker persecutions, and was probably aware that in 
the eye of English law the executions were homicide. 

However, after long vacillation, " the Lord so en- 
couraged and strengthened " his heart that he ven- 
tured to sail.2 So far as the crown was concerned 
apprehension was needless, for Lord Clarendon was 
prime minister, whose policy toward New England 
was throughout wise and moderate, and the agents 
were well received. Still they were restless in Lon- 
don, and Sewel tells an anecdote which may partly 
account for their impatience to be gone. 

^ Leverett to Endieott. Hutch. Coll., Prince ed. ii. 40. 
2 Feb. 11, 1661-2. Palfrey, ii. 524. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 185 

" Now the deputies of New England came to Lon- 
don, and endeavored to clear themselves as much as 
possible, but especially priest Norton, who bowed no 
less reverently before the archbishop, than before the 
king. . . . 

" They would fain have altogether excused them- 
selves ; and priest Norton thought it sufficient to say 
that he did not assist in the bloody trial, nor had ad- 
vised to it. But »Tohn Copeland, whose ear was cut 
off at Boston, charged the contrary upon him : and G. 
Fox, the elder, got occasion to speak with them in 
the presence of some of his friends, and asked Simon 
Broadstreet, one of the New England magistrates, 
' whether he had not a hand in putting to death those 
they nicknamed Quakers ? ' He not being able to 
deny this confessed he had. Then G. Fox asked him 
and his associates that were present, ' whether they 
would acknowledge themselves to be subjects to the 
laws of England ? and if they did by what law they 
had put his friends to death ? ' They answered, 
' They were subjects to the laws of England ; and they 
had put his friends to death by the same law, as the 
Jesuits were put to death in England.' Hereupon 
G. Fox asked, ' whether they did believe that those 
his friends, whom they had put to death, were Jesuits, 
or jesuitically affected ? ' They said ' Nay.' ' Then,' 
replied G. Fox, ' ye have murdered them ; for since ye 
put them to death by the law that Jesuits are put to 
death here in England, it plainly appears, you have 
put them to death arbitrarily, without any law.' Thus 



186 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

Broadstreet, finding himself and his company ensnar'd 
by their own words, ask'd, ' Are you come to catch 
us ? ' But he told them ' They had catch'd them- 
selves, and they might justly be questioned for their 
lives ; and if the father of William Robinson (one of 
those that were put to death) were in town, it was 
probable he would question them, and bring their lives 
into jeopardy. For he not being of .the Quakers per- 
suasion, would perhaps not have so much regard to 
the point of forbearance, as they had.' Broadstreet 
seeing himself thus in danger began to flinch and to 
sculk ; for some of the old royalists were earnest with 
the Quakers to prosecute the New England perse- 
cutors. But G. Fox and his friends said, ' They left 
them to the Lord, to whom vengeance belonged, and 
he would repay it.' Broadstreet however, not think- 
ing it safe to stay in England, left the city, and with 
his companions went back again to New England." ^ 

The following June the agents were given the king's 
answer ^ to their address and then sailed for home. 
It is certainly a most creditable state paper. The 
people of Massachusetts were thanked for their good 
will, they were promised oblivion for the past, and 
were assured that they should have their charter con- 
firmed to them and be safe in all their privileges and 
liberties, provided they would make certain reforms in 
their government. They were required to repeal such 
statutes as were contrary to the laws of England, to 

1 Sewel, p. 288. 

2 1662, June 28. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 187 

take the oath of allegiance, and to administer justice 
in the king's name. And then followed two proposir 
tions that were crucial : " And since the principle 
and foundation of that charter was and is the freedom 
of liberty of conscience, wee do hereby charge and 
require you that that freedom and liberty be duely 
admitted," especially in favor of those " that desire to 
use the Book of Common Prayer." And secondly, 
" that all the freeholders of competent estates, not 
vicious in conversations, orthodox in religion (though 
of different perswasions concerning church govern- 
ment) may have their vote in the election of all offi- 
cers civill or millitary." ^ 

However judicious these reforms may have been, or 
howsoever strictly they conformed with the spirit of 
English law, was immatei'ial. They struck at the 
root of the secular power of the clergy, and they 
roused deep indignation. The agents had braved no 
little danger, and had shown no little skill in behalf 
of the commonwealth ; and the fate of John Norton 
enables us to realize the rancor of theological feeling. 
The successor of Cotton, by general consent the lead- 
ing minister, in some respects the most eminent man 
in Massachusetts, he had undertaken a difficult mis- 
sion against his will, in which he had acquitted him- 
self well ; yet on his return he was so treated by his 
brethren and friends that he died in the spring of a 
broken heart.^ 

» Hxdch. Coll., Prince ed. ii. 101-103. 
8 AprU 5, 1663. 



188 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

The General Court took no notice of the king's de- 
mands except to order the writs to run in the royal 
name.^ And it is a sign of the boldness, or else of 
the indiscretion, of those in power, that this crisis was 
chosen for striking a new coin,^ — an act confessedly 
illegal and certain to give offence in England, both as 
an assumption of sovereignty and an interference with 
the currency. 

From the first Lord Clarendon paid some attention 
to colonial affairs, and he appears to have been much 
dissatisfied with the condition in which he found 
them. At length, in 1664, he decided to send a com- 
mission to New England to act upon the spot. 

Great pressure must have been brought by some 
who had suffered, for Samuel Maverick, the Epis- 
copalian, who had been fined and imprisoned in 
1646 for petitioning with Childe, was made a mem- 
ber. Colonel Richard Nichols, the head of the board, 
was a man of ability and judgment ; the choice of Sir 
Robert Carr and Colonel George Cartwright was less 
judicious. 

The commissioners were given a public and private 
set of instructions,^ and both were admirable. They 
were to examine the condition of the country and its 
laws, and, if possible, to make some arrangement by 
which the crown might have a negative at least upon 
the choice of the governor ; they were to urge the re- 

1 Oct. 8, 1662. Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 58. 

2 1662, May 7. 

• Public Instructions, Hutch. Hiat, i. 459. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 189 

forms already demanded by the king, especially a 
larger toleration, for " they doe in truth deny that 
liberty of conscience to each other, which is equally 
provided for and granted to every one of them by 
their charter." ^ They were directed to be concilia- 
tory toward the people, and under no circumstances 
to meddle with public worship, nor were they to press 
for any sudden enforcement of the revenue acts. On 
one point alone they were to insist: they were in- 
structed to sit to hear appeals in causes in which 
the parties alleged they had been wronged by colo- 
nial decisions. 

Unquestionably the chancellor was right in prin- 
ciple. The only way whereby such powerful corpora- 
tions as the trade -guilds or the East India Company 
could be kept from acts of oppression was through the 
appellate jurisdiction, by which means their enact- 
ments could be brought before the courts, and those 
annulled which in the opinion of the judges tran- 
scended the charters. The Company of Massachu- 
setts Bay was a corporation having jurisdiction over 
many thousand English subjects, only a minority of 
whom were freemen and voters. So long, therefore, 
as she remained within the empire, the crown was 
bound to see that the privileges of the English Consti- 
tution were not denied within her territory. Yet, 
though this is true, it is equally certain that the erec- 
tion of a commission of appeal without an act of Par- 
liament was irregular. The stretch of prerogative, 

^ Private I'lstructions, O^CnVnrjhnn Documentx, iii. 58. 



190 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

nevertheless, cannot be considered oppressive when it 
is remembered that Massachusetts was a corporation 
which had escaped from the reahn to avoid judicial 
process, and which refused to appear and plead ; hence 
Lord Clarendon had but this alternative : he could 
send judges to sit upon the spot, or he could proceed 
against the charter in London. The course he chose 
may have been illegal, but it was the milder of the two. 

The commissioners landed on July 23, 1664, but 
they did not stay in Boston. Their first business was 
to subdue the Dutch at New York, and they soon left 
to make the attack. The General Court now re- 
curred, for the first time, to the dispatch which their 
agents had brought home, and proceeded -to amend 
the law relating to the franchise. They extended 
the qualification by enacting that Englishmen who 
presented a certificate under the hands of the minis- 
ter of the town that they were orthodox in religion 
and not vicious in life, and who paid, beside, lO*'. at 
a single rate, might become freemen, as well as those 
who were church - members.^ The effect of such a 
change could hardly have been toward liberality, 
rather, probably, toward concentration of power in 
the church. However slight, there was some popular 
control over the rejection of an applicant to join a 
congregation ; but giving a certificate was an act that 
must have depended on the j^astor's will alone. 

The court then drew up an address to the king : 
" If your poore subjects, . . . doe . . . prostrate 
1 Mai!S. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 117. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 191 

themselues at your royal feete, & begg* yo' favor, wee 
hope it will be graciously accepted by your majestje, 
and that as the high place you sustejne on earth 
doeth number you here among the gods, [priests can 
cringe as well as tortui-e] so you will jmitate the 
God of heaven, in being ready ... to receive their 
crjes. , . ." ^ And he was implored to reflect on the 
affliction of heart it was to them, that their sins had 
provoked God to permit their adversaries to procure 
a commission, under the great seal, to four persons to 
hear appeals. When this address reached London it 
caused surprise. The chancellor was anno3'ed. Pie 
wrote to America, pointing out that His Majesty would 
hardly think himself well used at complaints before 
a beginning had been made, and a demand that his 
commission shoidd be revoked before his commission- 
ers had been able to deliver their instructions. "I 
know," he said, " they are expressly inhibited from 
intermedling with, or instructing the administration 
of justice, according to the formes observed there ; but 
if in truth, in any extraordinary case, the proceedings 
there have been irregular, and against the rules of 
justice, as some particular cases, particularly recom- 
mended to them by His Majesty, seeme to be, it can- 
not be presumed that His IMajesty hath or will leave 
his subjects of New England, without hope of re- 
dresse by an appeale to him, wliich his subjects of all 
his other kingdomes have free libert}^ to make." ^ 
The campaign against ^ew Yoik was short and 
1 Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. li:9. '^ Hutch. Hist. i. 465. 



192 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

successful, and the commissioners were soon at lei- 
sure. As they had reason to believe that Massachu- 
setts would prove stuhborn, they judged it wiser to 
begin with the more tractable colonies first. They 
therefore went to Plymouth/ and, on their arrival, ac- 
cording to their instructions, submitted the four fol- 
lowing propositions : — 

First. That all householders should take the oath 
of allegiance, and that justice shoidd be administered 
in the king's name. 

Second. That all men of competent estates and civil 
conversation, though of different judgments, miglit be 
admitted to be freemen, and have liberty to choose 
and be chosen officers, both civil and military. 

Third. That all men and women of orthodox opin- 
ions, competent knowledge, and civil lives not scan- 
dalous, shoidd be admitted to the Lord's Supper [and 
have baj)tism for their children, either in existing 
churches or their own]. 

Fourth. Tliat all laws . . . derogatory to his maj- 
esty should be repealed.^ 

Substantially the same proposals were made sub- 
sequently in Rhode Island and Connecticut. They 
were accepted without a murmur. A few appeal 
cases were heard, and the work was done. 

The commissioners reported their entire satisfaction 
to the government, the colonies sent loyal addresses, 
and Charles returned affectionate answers. 

Massachusetts alone remained to be dealt with, but 

^ Feb. 1634-5. - Palfrey, ii. 601. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 193 

her temper was in striking contrast to that of the rest 
of New England. The reason is obvious. Nowhere 
else was there a fusion of church and state. The 
people had, therefore, no oppressive statutes to up- 
hold, nor anything to conceal. Provided the liberty 
of English subjects was secured to them they were 
content to obey the English Constitution. On the 
other hand, Massachusetts was a theocracy, the power 
of whose priesthood rested on enactments contrary to 
British institutions, and which, therefore, would have 
been annulled upon appeal. Hence the clerical party 
were wild with fear and rage, and nerved themselves 
to desperate resistance. 

" But alasse, sir, the commission impowering those 
commisioners to heare and determine all cases what- 
ever, . . . should it take place, what would become 
of our civill government which hath binn, under God, 
the heade of that libertie for our consciences for which 
the first adventurers . . . bore all . . . discourage- 
ments that encountered them ... in this wildernes." 
Rather than submit, they protested they had " sooner 
leave our place and all our pleasant outward injoy- 
ments." ^ 

Under such conditions a direct issue was soon 
reached. The General Court, in answer to the com- 
missioners' proposals, maintained that the observance 
of their charter was inconsistent with appeals ; that 
they had already provided an oath of allegiance ; that 
they had conformed to his majesty's requirements in 
1 Court to Boyle. Hutch. Coll., Prince ed. ii. 113. 



194 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

regard to the franchise ; and lastly, in relation to tol- 
eration, there was no equivocation. " Concerning the 
vse of the Comon Prayer Booke "... we had not 
become " voluntary exiles from our deare native coun- 
try, . . . could wee haue seene the word of God, 
warranting us to performe our devotions in that way, 
& to haue the same set vp here ; wee conceive it is 
apparent that it will disturbe our peace in our present 
enjoyments." ^ 

Argument was useless. The so-called oath of alle- 
giance was not that required by Parliament ; the al- 
teration in the franchise was a sham ; while the two 
most important points, appeals to England and tolera- 
tion in religion, were rejected. The commissioners, 
therefore, asked for a direct answer to this question : 
" Whither doe yow acknowledge his majestjes comis- 
sion ... to be of full force ? " ^ They were met by 
evasion. On the 23d of May they gave notice that 
they should sit the next morning to hear the case of 
Thos. Deane et al. vs. The Gov. & Co. of Mass. Bay, 
a revenue appeal. Forthwith the General Court pro- 
claimed by trumpet that the hearing would not be 
permitted. 

Coercion was impossible, as no troops were at 
hand. The commissioners accordingly withdrew and 
went to Maine, which they proceeded to sever from 
Massachusetts.^ In this they followed the king's in- 
structions, who himself acted upon the advice of the 

1 1665. Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 200. 

" Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 204. s June, 1665. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 195 

law officers of the crown, who had given an opinion 
sustaining the claim of Gorges.^ 

The triumph was complete. All that the English 
government was then able to do was to recall the 
commissioners, direct that agents should be sent to 
London at once, and forbid interference with Maine. 
No notice was taken of the order to send agents ; and 
in 1668 possession was again taken of the province, 
and the courts of the comjjany once more sat in the 
county of York.^ 

This was the culmination of the Puritan Common- 
wealth. The clergy were exultant, and the Rev. Mr. 
Davenport of New Haven wrote in delight to Lev- 
erett : — 

" Their claiming power to sit authoritatively as a 
court for appeales, and that to be managed in an ar- 
bitrary way, was a manifest laying of a groundworke 
to undermine your whole government established by 
your charter. If you had consented thereunto, you 
had plucked downe with your owne hands that house 
which wisdom had built for you and your posterity. 
... As for the solemnity of publishing it, in three 
places, by sounding a trumpet, I believe you did it 
upon good advice, . . . for declaring the courage and 
resolution of the whole countrey to defend their char- 
ter liberties and priviledges, and not to yeeld up 
theire right voluntarily, so long as they can hold it, 

1 Charles II. 's letter to Inhabitants of Maine. Hutch. Coll., 
Prince ed. ii. 110 ; Palf. ii. 622. 

2 July, 1668. Report of Com. Mass. Rec. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 401. 



196 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

in dependence upon God in Christ, whose interest is 
in it, for his protection and blessing, who will be with 
you while you are with him." ^ 

Althouo-h the colonists were alarmed at their own 

o 

success, there was nothing to fear. At no time before 
or since could England have been so safely defied. 
In 1664 war was declared with Holland; 1665 was 
the year of the plague ; 1666 of the fire. In June, 
1667, the Dutch, having dispersed the British fleets, 
sailed up the Medway, and their guns were heard in 
London. Peace became necessary, and in August 
Clarendon was dismissed from office. The discord 
between the crown and Parliament paralyzed the na- 
tion, and the wastefulness of Charles kept him always 
poor. By the treaty of Dover in 1670 he became a 
pensioner of Louis XIV. The Cabal followed, prob- 
ably the worst ministry England ever saw ; and in 
1672, at Clifford's suggestion, the exchequer was 
closed and the debt repudiated to provide funds for 
the second Dutch war. In March fighting began, and 
the tremendous battles with De Ruyter kept the navy 
in the Channel. At length, in 1673, the Cabal fell, 
and Danby became prime minister. 

Although during these years of disaster and dis- 
grace Massachusetts was not molested by Great Britain, 
they were not all years during which the theocracy 
could tranquilly enjoy its victory. 

So early as 1671 the movements of the Indians 
began to give anxiety; and in 1675 Philip's War 

^ Davenport to Leverett. Hutch. Coll., Prince ed. ii. 119. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 197 

broke out, which brought the colony to the brink of 
ruin, and in which the clergy saw the judgment of 
God against the Commonwealth, for tenderness toward 
the Quakers,^ 

With the rise of Danby a more regular administra- 
tion opened, and, as usual, the attention of the gov- 
ernment was fixed upon Massachusetts by the clamors 
of those who demanded redress for injuries alleged to 
have been received at her hands. In 1674 the heirs 
of Mason and Gorges, in despair at the reoccupation 
of Maine, proposed to surrender their claim to the 
king, reserving one third of the product of the cus- 
toms for themselves. The London merchants also 
had become restive under the systematic violation of 
the Navigation Acts. The breach in the revenue 
laws had, indeed, been long a subject of complaint, 
and the commissioners had received instructions relat- 
ing thereto ; but it was not till this year that these 
questions became serious. 

The first statute had been passed during the Pro- 
tectorate, but the one that most concerned the colo- 
nies was not enacted till 1663. The object was not 
only to protect English shipping, but to give her the 
entire trade of her dependencies. To that end it was 
made illegal to import European produce into any 
plantation except through England ; and, conversely, 
colonial goods could only be exported by being landed 
in England. 

The theory upon which this legislation was based is 
^ Reforming Synod, Magnolia, bk. 5, pt. 4. 



198 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

exploded ; enforced, it would have crippled commerce ; 
but it was then, and always bad been, a dead letter at 
Boston. New England was fast getting its share of 
the carrjnng trade. London merchants already began 
to feel the competition of its cheap and untaxed ships, 
and manufacturers to complain that they were under- 
sold in tbe American market, by goods brought direct 
from the Continental ports. A petition, therefore, 
was presented to the king, to carry the law into effect. 
No colonial office then existed ; the affairs of the de- 
pendencies were assigned to a committee of the Privy 
Council, called the Lords of Committee of Trade and 
Plantations ; and on these questions being referred 
by them to the proper officers, the commissioners of 
customs sustained the merchants ; the attorney-gen- 
eral, the heirs of Mason and Gorges.^ The famous 
Edward Randolph now appears. The government 
was still too deeply embarrassed to act with energy. 
A temporizing policy was therefore adopted ; and as 
the experiment of a commission had failed, Randolph 
was chosen as a messenger to carry the petitions and 
opinions to Massachusetts ; together with a letter from 
the king, directing that agents should be sent in an- 
swer thereto. After delivering them, he was ordered 
to devote himself to preparing a report upon the 
country. He reached Boston June 10, 167G. Al- 
though it was a time of terrible suffering from the 
ravages of the Indian war, the temper of the magis- 
trates was harsher than ever. 

^ Palfrey, iii. 281 ; Clialmers's Political Annals of the United 
Colonies, p. 262. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 199 

The repulse of the commissioners had convinced 
them that Charles was not only lazy and ignorant, but 
too poor to use force; and they also believed him 
to be so embroiled with Parliament as to make his 
overthrow probable. Filled with such feelings, their 
reception of Randolph was almost brutal. John Lev- 
erett was governor, who seems to have taken pains 
to mark his contempt in every way in his power. 
Randolph was an able, but an unscrupulous man, and 
probably it would not have been difficult to have se- 
cured his good-will. Far however from bribing, or 
even flattering him, they so treated him as to make 
him the bitterest enemy the Puritan Commonwealth 
ever knew. 

Being admitted into the council chamber, he deliv- 
ered the letter.^ The governor opened it, glanced at 
the signature, and, pretending never to have heard of 
Henry Coventry, asked who he might be. He was 
told he was his majesty's principal secretary of state. 
He then read it aloud to the magistrates. Even the 
fierce Endicott, when he received the famous " mis- 
sive " from the Quaker Shattock, " laid off his hat . . . 
[when] he look'd upon the papers," ^ as a mark of 
respect to his king ; but Leverett and his council re- 
mained covered. Then the governor said " that the 
matters therein contained were very inconsiderable 
things and easily answered, and it did no way concern 
that government to take any notice thereof ; " and so 

1 Randolph's Narrative. Hutch. Coll., Prince ed. ii. 240. 
3 Sevvel, p. 282. 



20"0 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

Randolph was dismissed. Five days after he was 
affain sent for, and asked whether he " intended for 
London by that ship that was ready to saile? " If so, 
he could have a duplicate of the answer to the king, 
as the original was to go by other hands. He replied 
that he had other business in charge, and inquired 
whether they had well considered the petitions, and 
fixed upon their agents so soon. Leverett did not 
deign to answer, but told him " he looked ujjon me 
as Mr. Mason's agent, and that I might withdraw." 
The next day he saw the governor at his own house, 
who took occasion, when Randolph referred to the 
Navigation Acts, to expound the legal views of the 
theocracy. " He freely declared to me that the 
lawes made by your majestic and your Parliament 
obligeth them in nothing but what consists with the 
interest of that colony, that the legislative power is 
and abides in them solely . . . and that all matters in 
difference are to be concluded by their finall deter- 
mination, without any appeal to your majestic, and 
that your majestic ought not to retrench their liber- 
ties, but may enlarge them." ^ One last interview took 
place when Randolph went for dispatches for Eng- 
land, after his return from New Hampshire ; then he 
"was entertained by" Leverett "with a sharp reproof 
for publishing the substance of my errand into those 
parts, contained in your majestie's letters, . . . tell- 
ing me that I designed to make a mutiny. ... I 
told him, if I had done anything amisse, upon com- 
1 Eanclolpli's Narrative. Hutch. Coll., Prince ed. ii. 243. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 201 

plaint made to your majestie he would certainly have 
justice done him." . . . 

"At my departure . . . he . . . intreated me to 
give a favourable report of the country and the mag- 
istrates thereof, adding that those that blessed them 
God woidd blesse, and those that cursed them God 
would curse." And that " they were a people truely 
fearing the Lord " and very obedient to your majes- 
tic." ^ And so the royal messenger was dismissed in 
wrath, to tell his story to the king. 

The legislature met in August, 1676, and a decision 
had to be made concerning agents. On the whole, 
the clergy concluded it would be wiser to obey the 
crown, " provided they be, with vtmost care & cau- 
tion, qualified as to their instructions." ^ Accord- 
ingly, after a short adjournment, the General Court 
chose William Stoughton and Peter Bulkely ; and 
having strictly limited their power to a settlement of 
the territorial controversy, they sent them on their 
mission .3 

Almost invariably public affairs were seen by the 
envoys of the Company in a different light from that 
in which they were viewed by the clerical party at 
home, and these particularly had not been long in 
London before they became profoundly alarmed. 
There was, indeed, reason for grave apprehension. 
The selfish and cruel policy of the theocracy had 
borne its natural fruit : without an ally in the world, 

1 Hutch. Coll., Prince ed. iL 248. 

a Mass. Rec. v. 99. « Mass. Rec. v. 114. 



202 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

Massachusetts was beset by enemies. Quakers, Bap- 
tists, and Episcopalians whom she had persecuted and 
exiled ; the heirs of Mason and Gorges, whom she 
had wronged ; Andros, whom she had maligned ; ^ and 
Randolph, whom she had insulted, wrought against 
her with a government whose sovereign she had of- 
fended and whose laws she had defied. Even her 
English friends had been much alienated.^ 

The controversy concerning the boundary was re- 
ferred to the two chief justices, who promptly decided 
against the Company ; ^ and the easy acquiescence of 
the General Court must raise a doubt as to their 
faith in the soundness of their claims. And now 
again the fatality which seemed to pursue the the- 
ocracy in all its dealings with England led it to give 
fresh provocation to the king by secretly buying the 
title of Gorges for twelve hundred and fifty pounds.* 

Charles had intended to settle Maine on the Duke 
of Monmouth. It was a worthless possession, whose 
revenue never paid for its defence ; yet so stubborn 
was the colony that it made haste to anticipate the 
crown and thus become " Lord Proprietary " of a 
burdensome province at the cost of a slight which 
was never forgiven. Almost immediately the Privy 

* He had been accused of countenancing aid to Philip when 
governor of New York. O'Callaghan Documents, iii. 258. 

2 Palfrey, iii. 278, 279. 

3 See Opinion ; Chalmers's Annals, p. 504. 

* May, 1677. Chalmers's Annals, pp. 396, 397. See notes, 
Palfrey, iii. 312. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 203 

Council had begun to open other matters, such as 
coining and illicit trade ; and the attorney-general 
drew up a list of statutes which, in his opinion, were 
contrary to the laws of England. The agents protested 
that they were limited by their instructions, but were 
sharply told that his majesty did not think of treating 
with his own subjects as with foreigners, and it would 
be well to intimate the same to their principals.^ In 
December, 1677, Stoughton wrote in great alarm that 
something must be done concerning the Navigation 
Acts or a breach would be inevitable.^ And the Gen- 
eral Court saw reason in this emergency to increase 
the tension by reviving the obnoxious oath of fidelity 
to the country,^ — the substitute for the oath of alle- 
giance, — and thus gave Randolph a new and potent 
weapon. In the spring^ the law officers gave an 
opinion that the misdemeanors alleged against Massa- 
chusetts were sufficient to avoid her patent ; and the 
Privy Council, in view of the encroachments and in- 
juries which she had continually practised on her 
neighbors, and her contempt of his majesty's com- 
mands, advised that a quo warranto should be brought 
against the charter. Randolph was appointed col- 
lector at Boston.^ 

Even Leverett now saw that some concessions must 
be made, and the General Court ordered the oath of 

1 Palfrey, iii. 309. ^ Hutch. Hist. i. 288. 

• Mass. Rec. v. 154. 

* Palfrey, iii. 316, 317 ; Chalmers's Annals, p. 439. 
6 1678, May 31. 



204 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

allegiance to be taken ; nothing but perversity seems 
to have caused the long delay. ^ The royal arms were 
also carved in the court-house ; and this was all, for 
the clergy were determined upon those matters touch- 
ing their authority. The agents were told, "that 
which is farr more considerable then all these is the 
interest of the Lord Jesus & of his churches . . . 
^ch ought to be farr dearer to us than our Hues ; and 
. . . wee woidd not that by any concessions of ours, 
or of yo'^s . . . the least stone should be put out of 
the wall." 2 

Both agents and magistrates were, nevertheless, 
thoroughly frightened, and being determined not to 
yield, in fact, they resorted to a policy of misrepre- 
sentation, with the hope of deceiving the English 
government.^ Stoughton and Bulkely had already 
assured the Lords of Committee that the " rest of 
the inhabitants were very inconsiderable as to num- 
ber, compared with those that were acknowledged 
church-members." * They were in fact probably as 
five to one. The General Court had been censured 
for using the word Commonwealth in official docu- 
ments, as intimating independence. They hastened to 
assure the crown that it had not of late been used, 
and should not be thereafter;^ yet in November, 1675, 

1 Oct. 2, 1678. Mass. Rec. v. 193. See Palfrey, iii. 320, 
note 2. 2 jy/ass. Rec. v. 202. 

^ See Answers of Agents, Chalmers's Annals, p. 450. 

4 Palfrey, iii. 318. 

^ Mass. Rec. v. 198. And see, in general, the official corre- 
spondence, pp. 197-203. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 205 

commissions were thus issued.^ But the breaking out 
of the Popish plot began to absorb the whole atten- 
tion of the government at London ; and the agents, 
after receiving a last rebuke for the presumption of 
the colony in buying Maine, were at length allowed 
to depart.^ 

Nearly half a century had elapsed since the emi- 
gration, and with the growth of wealth and popula- 
tion changes had come. In March, John Leverett, 
who had long been the head of the high-church party, 
died, and the election of Simon Bradstreet as his suc- 
cessor was a triumph for the opposition. Great as 
the clerical influence still was, it had lost much of its 
old despotic power, and the congregations were no 
longer united in support of the policy of their pastors. 
This policy was singularly desperate. Casting aside 
all but ecclesiastical considerations, the clergy consist- 
ently rejected any compromise with the crown which 
threatened to touch the church. Almost from the 
first they had recognized that substantial independ- 
ence was necessary in order to maintain the theoc- 
racy. Had the colony been strong, they would doubt- 
less have renounced their allegiance ; but its weakness 
was such that, without the protection of England, it 
would have been seized by France. Hence they re- 
sorted to expedients which could only end in disaster, 
for it was impossible for Massachusetts, while part of 
the British Empire, to refuse obedience at her pleas- 
ure to laws which other colonies cheerfully obeyed. 
1 Palfrey, iii. 322. » Nov. 1679. 



206 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

Without an ally, no resistance could be made to Eng- 
land, when at length her sovereignty should be as- 
serted ; and an armed occupation and military govern- 
ment was inevitable upon a breach. 

Though such considerations are little apt to induce 
a priesthood to surrender their temporal power, they 
usually control commercial communities. Accord- 
ingly, Boston and the larger towns favored conces- 
sion, while the country was the ministers' stronghold. 
The result of this divergence of opinion was that the 
moderate party, to which Bradstreet and Dudley be- 
longed, predominated in the Board of Assistants, while 
the deputies remained immovable. The branches of 
the legislature thus became opposed ; no course of ac- 
tion could be agreed on, and the theocracy drifted to 
its destruction. 

The duplicity characteristic of theological politics 
grew daily more marked. In May, 1679, a law had 
been passed forbidding the building of churches with- 
out leave from the freemen of the town or the Gen- 
eral Court.^ On the 11th of June, 1680, three per- 
sons representing the society of Baptists were sum- 
moned before the legislature, charged with the crime 
of erecting a meeting-house. They were admon- 
ished and forbidden to meet for worship except with 
the established congregations ; and their church was 
closed.^ That very day an address was voted to the 
king, one passage of which is as follows : " CoD'^ern- 

1 Mass. Rec. v. 213. 
* Mass. Rec. v. 271. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. • • 207 

ing liberty of conscience, . . . that after all, a mul- 
titude of notorious errors ... be openly broached, 
. . . amongst us, as by the Quakers, &c., wee pre- 
sume his majesty doeth not intend ; and as for other 
Prottestant dissenters, that carry it peaceably & so- 
berly, wee trust there shallbe no cause of just com- 
plaint against us on their behalfe." ^ 

Meanwhile Randolph had renewed his attack. He 
declared that in spite of promises and excuses the 
revenue laws were not enforced; that his men were 
beaten, and that he hourly expected to be thro-^Ti into 
prison ; whereas in other colonies, he asserted, he was 
treated with great respect.^ There can be no doubt 
ingenuity was used to devise means of annoyance, and 
certainly the life he was made to lead was hard. In 
March ^ he sailed for home, and while in Loudon he 
made a series of reports to the government which 
seem to have produced the conviction that the mo- 
ment for action had come. In December he returned, 
commissioned as deputy - surveyor and auditor -gen- 
eral for all New England, except New Hampshire. 
When Stoughton and Bulkely were dismissed, the 
colony had been commanded to send new agents with- 
in six months. In September, 1680, another royal 
letter had been written, in which the king dwelt upon 
the misconduct of his subjects, " when ... we sig- 
nified unto you our gracious inclination to have all 
past deeds forgotten . . . wee then little thought that 

1 Mass. Rec. v. 287. 

2 June, 1C80. Palfrey, iii. 340. « March 15, 1680-1. 



208 • THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

those markes of our grace and favour should have 
found no better acceptance amoung you. . . . We 
doe therefore by these our letters, strictly command 
and require you, as you tender your allegiance unto 
us, and will deserve the effects of our grace and favour 
(which wee are enclyned to afford you) seriously to 
reflect upon our commands ; . . . and particularly wee 
doe hereby command you to send over, within three 
months after the receipt hereof, such . . . persons 
as you shall think fitt to choose, and that you give 
them sufficient instructions to attend the regulation 
and settlement of that our government." ^ 

The General Court had not thought fit to regard 
these communications, and now Randolph came charged 
with a long and stern dispatch, in which agents were 
demanded forthwith, " in default whereof, we are 
fully resolved, in Trinity Term next ensuing, to direct 
our attorney-general to bring a quo warranto in our 
court of kings-bench, whereby our charter granted 
unto you, with all the powers thereof, may be legally 
evicted and made void ; and so we bid you fare- 
wel." 2 

Hitherto the clerical party had procrastinated, 
buoyed up by the hope that in the fierce struggle with 
the commons Charles might be overthrown ; but this 
dream ended with the dissolution of the Oxford Par, 
liament, and further inaction became impossible. Jo- 
seph Dudley and John Richards were chosen agents, 

1 Sept. 30. Hutch. Coll., Prince ed. ii. 261. 

2 Chalmers's Annals, p. 449. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 209 

and provided with instructions bearing the peculiar 
tinge of ecclesiastical statesmanship. 

They were directed to represent that appeals would 
be intolerable ; and, for their private guidance, the 
legislature used these words : " We therefore doe not 
vnderstand by the regulation of the gouernment, that 
any alteration of the patent is intended ; yow shall 
therefore neither' doe nor consent to any thing that 
may violate or infringe the liberties & priuiledges 
granted to us by his maj*^®^ royall charter, or the gou- 
ernment established thereby ; but if any thing be pro- 
pounded that may tend therevnto, yow shall say, yow 
haue received no instruction in that matter." ^ With 
reference to the complaints made against the colony, 
they were to inform the king " that wee haue no law 
prohibbiting any such as are of the perswasion of the 
church of England, nor haue any euer desired to wor- 
ship God accordingly that haue been denyed." ^ 

Such a statement cannot be reconciled with the 
answer made the commissioners; and the laws com- 
pelled Episcopalians to attend the Congregational 
worship, and denied them the right to build churches 
of their own. 

" As for the Annabaptists, they are now subject to 
no other poenal statutes then those of the Congrega- 
tional way." This sophistry is typical. The law 
under which the Baptist church was closed applied 
in terms to all inhabitants, it is true ; but it was con- 
trived to suppress schism, it was used to coerce here- 
1 Mass. Rec. v. 349. « Mass. Rec. v. 347. March £3. 



210 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

tics, and it was unrepealed. Moreover, it would seem 
as though the statute inflicting banishment must then 
have still been in force. 

The assurances given in regard to the reform of 
the suffrage were precisely parallel : — 

" For admission of ffreemen, wee humbly conceive 
it is our liberty, by charter, to chuse whom wee will 
admitt into our oune company, w''^ yet hath not binn 
restrayned to Congregational men, but others haue 
been admitted, who were also provided for according 
to his maj*J^^ direction." ^ 

Such insincerity gave weight to Randolph's words 
when he wrote : " My lord, I have but one thing to 
reminde your lordship, that nothing their agents can 
say or doe in England can be any ground for his maj- 
estic to depend ujion." ^ 

With these documents and one thousand pounds 
for bribery, soon after increased to three,^ Dudley and 
Kichards sailed. Their powers were at once rejected 
at London as insufficient, and the decisive moment 
came.* The churchmen of Massachusetts had to de- 
termine whether to accept the secularization of their 
government or abandon every guaranty of popular 
liberty. The clergy did not hesitate before the mo- 
mentous alternative : they exerted themselves to the 
utmost, and turned the scale for the last time.*^ In 

1 1681-2, March 23. 

2 Randolph to Clarendon. Hutch. Coll., Prince ed. ii. 277. 

3 Chalmers's Annals, p. 461. 

4 Idem, p. 413. ^ Hutch. Hist. i. 303, note. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 211 

fresh instructions the agents were urged to do what 
was possible to avert, or at least delay, the stroke ; 
but they were forbidden to consent to appeals, or to 
alterations in the qualifications required for the ad- 
mission of freemen.^ They had previously been di- 
rected to pacify the king by a present of two thousand 
pounds; and this ill-judged attempt at bribery had 
covered them with ridicule.^ 

Further negotiation would have been futile. Pro- 
ceedings were begun at once, and Randolph was sent 
to Boston to serve the writ of quo warranto ; ^ he was 
also charged with a royal declaration promising that, 
even then, were submission made, the charter should 
be restored with only such changes as the public wel- 
fare demanded.* Dudley, who was a man of much 
political sagacity, had returned and strongly urged 
moderation. The magistrates were not without the 
instincts of statesmanship : they saw that a breach 
with England must destroy all safeguards of the 
common freedom, and they voted an address to the 
crown accepting the proffered terms. ^ But the clergy 
strove against them : the privileges of their order 
were at stake ; they felt that the loss of their impor- 
tance would be " destructive to the interest of religion 
and of Christ's kingdom in the colony," ® and they 
roused their congregations to resist. The deputies did 

1 1683, March 30. Mass. Rec. v. 390. 

2 Hutch. Hist. i. 303, note. 8 i683, July 20. 
* Mass. Rec. v. 422, 423. 

6 1683, 15 Nov. Hutch. Hist. i. 304. « Palfrey, iii. 381. 



212 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

not represent the people, but the church. They were 
men who had been trained from infancy by the priests, 
who had been admitted to the communion and the 
franchise on account of their religious fervor, and who 
had been brought into public life because the eccle- 
siastics found them pliable in their hands. The in- 
tiuence which had moidded their minds and guided 
their actions controlled them still, and they rejected 
the address.^ Increase Mather took the lead. He 
stood up at a great meeting in the Old South, and 
exhorted the people, "telling them how their fore- 
fathers did purchase it [the charter], and would 
they deliver it up, even as Ahab required Naboth's 
vineyard. Oh ! their children would be bound to curse 
them." 2 

All that could be resolved on was to retain Robert 
Humphrys of the Middle Temple to interpose such 
delays as the law permitted ; but no attempt was made 
at defence upon the merits of their cause, probably 
because all knew well that no such defence was 
possible. 

Meanwhile, for technical reasons, the quo warranto 
had been abandoned, and a writ of scii'e facias had 
been issued out of chancery. On June 18, 1684, the 
lord keeper ordered the defendant to appear and 
plead on the first day of the next Michaelmas Term. 
The time allowed was too short for an answer from 
America, and judgment was entered by default.^ The 

1 Nov. 30. Palfrey, iii. 385. 2 Palfrey, iii. 388, note 1. 

8 Decree entered June 21, 1684 ; confirmed, Oct. 23. Palfrey, 
iii. 393. 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 213 

decree was arbitrary, but no effort was made to obtain 
relief. The story, however, is best told by Humphrys 
himself : — 

" It is matter of astonishment to me, to think of 
the returnes I haue had from you in the affaire of yo"" 
charter ; that a prudent people should think soe little, 
in a thing of the greatest moment to them. 

" Which chai-ge I humbly justify in the foll^ par- 
ticulars, and yet at the same time confess that all 
you could haue done would but haue gained more time, 
and spent more money, since the breaches assigned 
ag* you, were as obvious as vnanswerable, soe as all 
the service yo'' councill and friends could haue done 
you here, would haue onely served to deplore, not pre- 
vent the inevitable loss. 

" When I sent you the lord keeper's order of the 
18th of June 1684 requireing yo' appeareing peremp- 
torily the first day of Michas Tearme then next, and 
pleading to yssue . . . you may remember I sent with 
it such drafts of ires of attorney, to pass vnder your 
comon scale as were essentially necessary to empower 
and justify such appearance, and pleading for you 
here, which you could not imagine but that you must 
hane had due time to returue them in, noe law com- 
pelling impossibilities. 

" W^hen the first day of that Michas Tearme came, 
and yo' ires of attorney neither were, nor indeed could 
be return'd ... I applyd by couucill to the Court of 
Chancery to enlarge that time urgeing the impossibil- 
ity of hauing a returne from you in the time allotted. 



214 THE SCIRE FACIAS. 

. . . But it is true my lord keeper cutt the ground 
from under us which wee stood upon, by telling us the 
order of the 18th of June was a surprize upon his 
Iqp and that he ought not to haue granted it, for 
that every eorporaeon ought to haue an attorney in 
every court to appeare to his ma*^ suite, and that 
London had such. . . . However certainely you ought 
when my Ires were come to you, nunc pro tunc, to 
haue past the h'es of attorney I sent you under your 
comou seale and sent them me, and not to haue stopt 
them upon any private surmises from other hands 
then his you had entrusted in that matter ; and the 
rather for that the judgm*^ of law, espetially those 
taken by defaults for non appearances, are not like, 
the laws of the Medes and Persians irrevocable, but 
are often on just grounds sett aside by the court 
here, and the defendants admitted to plead as if noe 
such judgm*^ had been entred vp, and the very order 
it selfe of the 18th of June guies you a home instance 
of it. 

" And indeed I did therefore forbeare giueing you 
an acco* of a further time being denyd, and the entry 
of judgm* ag' you, expecting you would before such 
Ire could haue reacht you haue sent me the tres of 
attorney vnder your eorporaeon seale that the court 
might haue been moved to admitt yo' appearance 
and plea and waiued the judgm*. 

" But instead of those Ires of attorney under your 
seale you sent me an address to his late ma*^, I con- 
fess judiciously drawne. But it is my wonder in which 



THE SCIRE FACIAS. 215 

of yo'" capacityes you could imagine it should be pre- 
sented to his ma*'', for if as a corporacon, a body poli- 
tique, it should have been putt under your corporacon 
scale if as a private comunity it should haue been 
signed by your order. But the paper has neither 
private hand nor publique scale to it and soc must 
be lost. . . . 

" In tliis condicon what could a man doe for you, 
nothing publiquely for he had noe warrant from you 
to justify the accon." ^ 

So perished the Puritan Commonwealth. The 
child of the Reformation, its life sprang from the 
assertion of the freedom of the mind ; but this great 
and noble principle is fatal to the temporal power of 
a priesthood, and during the supremacy of the clergy 
the government was doomed to be both persecuting 
and repressive. Under no circumstance could the 
theocracy have endured : it must have fallen by revolt 
from within if not by attack from without. That 
Charles II. did in fact cause its overthrow gives him 
a claim to our common gratitude, for he then struck a 
decisive blow for the emancipation of Massachusetts ; 
and thus his successor was enabled to open before her 
that splendid career of democratic constitutional lib- 
erty which was destined to become the basis of the 
jurisprudence of the American Union. 

^ Mass. Archives, cvi. 343. 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE WITCHCRAFT. 

The history of the years between the dissolution of 
the Company o£ Massachusetts Bay and the reorgani- 
zation of the country by William III. in 1692 has 
little bearing upon the development of the people ; 
for the presidency of Dudley and the administration 
of Andros were followed by a revolution that paralyzed 
all movement. During the latter portion of this in- 
terval the colony was represented at London by three 
agents, of whom Increase Mather was the most influ- 
ential, who used every effort to obtain the reestab- 
lishment of the old government ; they met, however, 
with insuperable obstacles. Quietly to resume was 
impossible ; for the obstinacy of the clergy, in refus- 
ing all compromise with Charles II., had caused the 
patent to be cancelled; and thus a new grant had be- 
come necessary. Nor was this all, for the attorney 
and solicitor general, with whom the two chief justices 
concurred,^ gave it as their opinion that, supposing no 
decree had been rendered, and the same powers were 
exercised as before, a writ of scire facias would cer- 
tainly be issued, upon which a similar judgment would 
inevitably be entered. These considerations, however, 
1 Parentator, p. 139. 



THE WITCHCRAFT. 217 

became immaterial, as the king was a statesman, and 
had already decided upon his policy. His views had 
little in common with those held by the Massachusetts 
ecclesiastics, and when the Rev. Mr. Mather first read 
the instrument in which they had been embodied, he 
declared he " would sooner part with his life than con- 
sent unto such minutes." ^ He grew calmer, however, 
when told that his " consent was not expected nor de- 
sired ; " and with that energy and decision for which 
he was remarkable, at once secured the patronage. 

The constitutional aspect of the Provincial Charter 
is profoundly interesting, and it will be considered in 
its legal bearings hereafter. Its political tendencies, 
however, first demand attention, for it wrought a com- 
plete social revolution, since it overthrew the temporal 
power of the church. Massachusetts, Maine, and 
Plymouth were consolidated, and within them toler- 
ation was established, except in regard to Papists ; 
the religious qualification was swept away, and in 
its stead freeholders of forty shillings per annum, or 
owners of personal property to the value of forty 
pounds sterling, were admitted to the franchise ; the 
towns continued to elect the house of representatives, 
and the whole Assembly chose the council, subject to 
the approval of the executive.^ The governor, lieuten- 
ant-governor, and secretary were appointed by the 
crown ; the governor had a veto, and the king re- 
served the right to disallow legislation within three 
years of the date of its enactment. Thus the theoc- 

1 Parentator, p. 134. 2 Hutch. Hist. ii. 15, 16. 



218 THE WITCHCRAFT. 

racy fell at a single blow ; and it is worthy of remark 
that thenceforward prosecutions for sedition became 
unknown among the people of the Province of Massa- 
chusetts Bay. Yet, though the clerical oligarchy was 
no longer absolute, the ministers still exerted a pro- 
digious influence upon opinion. Not only did they 
speak with all the authority inherited with the tradi- 
tions of the past ; not only had they or their prede- 
cessors trained the vast majority of the people from 
their cradles to reverence them more than anything 
on earth, but their compact organization was as yet 
unimpaired, and at its head stood the two Mathers, 
the pastors of the Old North Church. Thus vener- 
ated and thus led, the elders were still able to appeal 
to the popular superstition and fanaticism with terrible 
effect. 

Widely differing judgments have been formed of 
these two celebrated divines; the ecclesiastical view is 
perhaps well summed up by the Rev. John Eliot, who 
thus describes the President of Harvard : " He was 
the father of the New England clergy, and his name 
and character were held in veneration, not only by 
those, who knew him, but by succeeding generations." ^ 
All must admit his ability and learning, while in sanc- 
timoniousness of deportment he was unrivalled. His 
son Cotton says he had such a " gravity as made all 
sorts of persons, wherever he came, to be struck \\ath 
a sensible awe of his presence, . . . yea, if he laughed 
on them, they believed it not." " His very counte- 

1 Biographical Dictionary, p. 312. 



THE WITCHCRAFT. 219 

nance carried the force of a sermon with it." ^ He 
kept a strict account of his mental condition, and al- 
ways was pleased when able to enter in his diary at 
the end of the day, "heart serious." He was unctuous 
in his preaching, and wept much in the pulpit ; he 
often mentions being " quickened at the Lord's table 
[during which] tears gushed from me before the 
Lord," ^ but of his self-sacrifice, his mercy, and his 
truth, his own acts and words are the best evidence 
that remain. 

When the new government was about to be put in 
operation, an extraordinary amount of patronage lay 
at the disposal of the crown ; for, beside the regular 
executive officers, the entire council had to be named, 
since they could not be elected until a legislature had 
been organized to choose them. Increase Mather, 
Elisha Cooke, and Thomas Oakes were acting as 
agents, and all had been bitterly opposed to the new 
charter; but of the three, the English ministers 
thought Mather the most important to secure. And 
now an odd coincidence happened in the life of this 
singular man. He suddenly one day announced him- 
self convinced that the king's project was not so in- 
tolerable as to be unworthy of support ; and then it 
very shortly transpired that he had been given all the 
spoil before the patent had passed the seals.* The 
proximity of these events is interesting as bearing on 
the methods of ecclesiastical statesmen, and it is also 

^ Parentator, p. 40. ^ Parentator, p. 48. 

8 Palfrey, iv. 85. 



220 THE WITCHCRAFT. 

instructive to observe how thorough a master of the 
situation this eminent divine proved himself to be. 
He not only appointed all his favorite henchmen to 
office, but he rigidly excluded his colleagues at Lon- 
don, who had continued their opposition, and every 
one else who had any disposition to be independent. 
His creature. Sir William Phips, was made governor; 
William Stoughton, who was bred for the church, 
and whose savage bigotry endeared him to the clergy, 
was lieutenant - governor ; and the council was so 
packed that his excellent son broke into a shout of 
triumph when he heard the news : — 

" The time has come ! the set time has come ! I 
am now to receive an answer of so many prayers. All 
the councellors of the province are of my own father's 
nomination ; and my father-in-law, with several related 
unto me, and several brethren of my own church are 
among them. The governor of the province is not 
my enemy, but one whom I baptized ; namely. Sir 
William Phips, one of my own flock, and one of my 
dearest friends." ^ Such was the government the 
theocracy left the country as its legacy when its own 
power had passed away, and dearly did Massachu- 
setts rue that fatal gift in her paroxysms of agony 
and blood. 

At the close of the sixteenth century the belief in 
witchcraft was widespread, and among the more igno- 
rant well-nigh universal. The superstition was, more- 
over, fostered by the clergy, who, in adopting this 
1 Cotton Mather's Diary ; Quincy's History of Harvard, i. 60. 



THE WITCHCRAFT. 221 

policy, were undoubtedly actuated by mixed motives. 
Their credulity probably made them for the most part 
sincere in the unbounded confidence they professed in 
the possibility of compacts between the devil and man- 
kind ; but, nevertheless, there is abundant evidence in 
their writings of their having been keenly alive to the 
fact that men horror-stricken at the sight of the de- 
struction of their wives and children by magic woidd 
grovel in the submission of abject terror at the feet of 
the priest who promised to deliver them. 

The elders began the agitation by sending out a 
paper of proposals for collecting stories of appari- 
tions and witchcrafts, and in obedience to their wish 
Increase Mather published his " Illustrious Provi- 
dences " in 1683-4. Two chapters of this book were 
devoted to sorceries, and the reverend author took 
occasion to intimate his opinion that those who might 
doubt the truth of his relations were probably them- 
selves either heretics or wizards. This movement of 
the clergy seems to have highly inflamed the popular 
imagination,^ yet no immediate disaster followed ; and 
the nervous exaltation did not become deadly until 
1688. In the autumn of that year four children of a 
Boston mason named Goodwin began to mimic the 
symptoms they had so often heard described ; the fa- 
ther, who was a pious man, called in the ministers of 
Boston and Charlestown, who fasted and prayed, and 
succeeded in delivering the youngest, who was five. 
Meanwhile, one of the daughters had " cried out 
1 Hutch. Hist. ii. 24. 



222 THE WITCHCRAFT. 

upon " an unfortunate Irish washerwoman, with whom 
she had quarrelled. Cotton Mather was now in his 
element. He took the eldest girl home with him and 
tried a great number of interesting experiments as to 
the relative power of Satan and the Lord ; among 
others he gravely relates how when the sufferer was 
tormented elsewhere he would carry her struggling 
to his own study, into wliich entering, she stood im- 
mediately upon her feet, and cried out, "They are 

gone ! They are gone ! They say they cannot 

God won't let 'em come here." ^ 

It is not credible that an educated and a sane man 
could ever have honestly believed in the absurd stuff 
which he produced as evidence of the supernatural ; 
his description of the impudence of the children is 
amazing. 

" They were divers times very near burning or 
drowning of themselves, but ... by their own pitti- 
ful and seasonable cries for help still procured their 
deliverance : which made me consider, whether the 
little ones had not their angels, in the plain sense of 
our Saviour's intimation. . . . And sometimes, the' 
but seldome, they were kept from eating their meals, 
by having their teeth sett when they carried any thing 
to their mouthes." ^ 

And it was upon such evidence that the washer- 
woman was hanged. There is an instant in the bat- 
tle as the ranks are wavering, when the calmness of 

1 Memorable Providences, pp. 27, 28. 

2 Idem, pp. 15-17. 



THE WITCHCRAFT. 223 

the officers will avert the rout ; and as to have held 
their soldiers then is deemed their highest honor, so 
to have been found wanting is their indelible disgrace ; 
the people stood poised upon the j)anic's brink, their 
pastors lashed them in. 

Cotton Mather forthwith published a terrific ac- 
count of the ghostly crisis, mixed with denunciations 
of the Sadducee or Atheist who disbelieved ; and to the 
book was added a preface, written by the four other 
clergymen who had assisted with their prayers, the 
character of which may be judged by a single extract. 
" The following account will afford to him that shall 
read with observation, a further clear confirmation, 
that, there is both a God, and a devil, and witchcraft : 
that there is no outward affliction, but what God may, 
(and sometimes doth) permit Satan to trouble his peo- 
ple withal." ^ Not content with this, Mather goaded 
his congregation into frenzy from the pulpit. " Con- 
sider also, the misery of them whom witchcraft may be 
let loose upon. What is it to fall into the hands of 
devils? . . . O what a direful thing is it, to be prickt 
with pins, and stab'd with knives all over, and to be 
fiU'd all over with broken bones ? 'T is impossible to 
reckon up the varieties of miseries which those mon- 
sters inflict where they can have a blow. No less 
than death, and that a languishing and a terrible 
death will satisfie the rage of those formidable drag- 
ons." 2 The pest was sure to spread in a credulous 

^ Memorable Providences, Preface. 
" Discourse on Witchcraft, p. 19. 



224 THE WITCHCRAFT. 

community, fed by their natural leaders with this 
morbid poison, and it next broke out in Salem village 
in February, 1691-2. A number of girls had become 
intensely excited by the stories they had heard, and 
two of them, who belonged to the family of the clergy- 
man, were seized with the usual symptoms. Of Mr. 
Parris it is enough to say that he began the investi- 
gation with a frightful relish. Other ministers were 
called in, and prayer-meetings lasting all day were 
held, with the result of throwing the patients into con- 
vulsions.^ Then the name of the witch was asked, 
and the girls were importuned to make her known. 
They refused at first, but soon the pressure became 
too strong, and the accusations began. Among the 
earliest to be arrested and examined was Goodwife 
Cory. Mr. Noyes, teacher of Salem, began with 
prayer, and when she was brought in the sufferers 
"did vehemently accuse her of afflicting them, by 
biting, pinching, strangling, &c., and they said, they 
did in their fits see her likeness coming to them, and 
bringing a book for them to sign." ^ By April the 
number of informers and of the suspected had greatly 
increased and the prisons began to fill. Mr. Parris 
behaved like a madman ; not only did he preach in- 
flammatory sermons, but he conducted the examina- 
tions, and his questions were such that the evidence 
was in truth nothing but what he put in the mouths 
of the witnesses ; yet he seems to have been guilty of 

^ Calef's More Wonderx, p. 90 et seq. 
2 Idem, p. 92. 



THE WITCHCRAFT. 225 

a darker crime, for there is reason to suppose he gar- 
bled the testimony it was his sacred duty to truly 
record.^ And in all this he appears to have had the 
approval and the aid of Mr. Noyes. Such was the 
crisis when Sir William Phips landed on the 14th 
of May, 1692 ; he was the Mathers' tool, and the re- 
sult could have been foretold. Uneducated and cred- 
ulous, he was as clay in the hands of his creators; 
and his first executive act was to cause the mis- 
erable prisoners to be fettered. Jonathan Cory has 
described what befell his wife: "Next morning the 
jaylor put irons on her legs (having received such a 
command) the weight of them was about eight pounds ; 
these irons and her other afflictions, soon brought her 
into convulsion fits, so that I thought she would have 
died that night." ^ 

At the beginning of June the governor, by an arbi- 
trary act, created a court to try the witches, and at 
its head put William Stoughton. Even now it is im- 
possible to read the proceedings of this sanguinary 
tribunal without a shudder, and it has left a stain 
upon the judiciary of Massachusetts that can never be 
effaced. 

Two weeks later the opinion of the elders was 
asked, as it had been of old, and they recommended 
the " speedy and vigorous prosecutions of such as 
have rendered themselves obnoxious," ^ nor did their 

^ Grounds of Complaint against Parris, § G ; More Wonders, 
p. 96 (i. e. 56). 

2 More Wonders, p. 97. " Hutch, Hist- ii. 63. 



226 THE WITCHCRAFT. 

advice fall upon unwilling ears. Stoughton was al- 
ready at work, and certain death awaited all who 
were dragged before that cruel and bloodthirsty bigot ; 
even when the jury acquitted, the court refused to re- 
ceive the verdict. The accounts given of the legal 
proceedings seem monstrous. The preliminary exam- 
inations were conducted amid such " hideous clamours 
and screechings," that frequently the voice of the de- 
fendant was drowned, and if a defence was attempted 
at a trial, the victim was browbeaten and mocked by 
the bench.i 

The ghastly climax was reached in the case of 
George Burroughs, who had been the clergyman at 
Wells. At his trial the evidence could hardly be 
heard by reason of the fits of the sufferers. " The 
chief judge asked the prisoner, who he thought hin- 
dered these witnesses from giving their testimonies? 
and he answered, he supposed it was the devil. That 
honourable person then replied, How comes the devil 
so loath to have any testimony born against you? 
Which cast him into very great confusion." Pres- 
ently the informers saw the ghosts of his two dead 
wives, whom they charged him with having murdered, 
stand before him "• crying for vengeance ; " yet though 
much appalled, he steadily denied that they were 
there. He also roused his judges' ire by asserting 
that " there neither are, nor ever were, witches." ^ 

He and those to die with him were carried through 

^ More Wonders, p. 102. 
3 Idem. pp. 115-119. 



THE WITCHCRAFT. 227 

the streets of Salem in a cart. As he climbed the 
ladder he called God to witness he was innocent, and 
his words were so pathetic that the people sobbed 
aloud, and it seemed as though he might be rescued 
even as he stood beneath the tree. Then when at last 
he swung above them, Cotton Mather rode among the 
throng and told them of his guilt, and how the fiend 
could come to them as an angel of light, and so the 
work went on. They cut him down and dragged him 
by his halter to a shallow hole among the rocks, and 
threw him in, and there they lay together with the 
rigid hand of the wizard Burroughs still pointing up- 
ward through his thin shroud of earth.^ 

By October it seemed as though the bonds of society 
were dissolving ; nineteen persons had been hanged, 
one had been pressed to death, and eight lay con- 
demned; a number had fled, but their property had 
been seized and they were beggars ; the prisons were 
choked, while more than two hundred were accused 
and in momentary fear of arrest ; ^ even two dogs had 
been killed. The plague propagated itself; for the 
only hope for those cried out upon was to confess their 
guilt and turn informers. Thus no one was safe. 
Mr. Willard, pastor of the Old South, who began to 
falter, was threatened ; the wife of Mr. Hale, pastor 
of Beverly, who had been one of the great leaders of 
the prosecutions, was denounced; Lady Phips her- 
self was named. But the race who peopled New Eng- 

1 More Wonders, pp. 103, 104. 
* Idem, p. 110. 



228 THE WITCHCRAFT. 

land had a mental vigor which even the theocracy 
could not subdue, and Massachusetts had among her 
sons liberal and enlightened men, whose voice was 
heard, even in the madness of the terror. Of these, 
the two Brattles, Robert Calef, and John Leverett 
were the foremost ; and they served their mother well, 
though the debt of gratitude and honor which she 
owes them she has never yet repaid. 

On the 8tli, four days before the meeting of the 
legislature, and probably at the first moment it could 
be done with safety, Thomas Brattle wrote an admir- 
able letter,^ in which he exposed the folly and wicked- 
ness of the delusion with all the energy the temper of 
the time would bear ; had he miscalculated, his error 
of judgment would probably have cost him his life. 
At the meeting of the General Court the illegal and 
blood-stained commission came to an end, and as the 
reaction slowly and surely set in, Phips began to feel 
alarm lest he should he called to account in England ; 
accordingly, he tried to throw the blame on Stough- 
ton : " When I returned, I found people much dissat- 
isfied at the proceedings of the court; . . . The 
deputy -governor, [Stoughton] notwithstanding, per- 
sisted \ngorously in the same method. . . . When I 
put an end to the court, there was at least fifty per- 
sons in prison, in great misery by reason of the ex- 
treme -cold and their poverty. ... I permitted a 
special superior court to be held at Salem, ... on 
the third day of January, the lieutenant-governor being 
^ Mass. Hist. Coll. first series, v. 61. 



THE WITCHCRAFT. 229 

chief judge. . . . All . . . were cleared, saving three. 
. . . The deputy-governor signed a warrant for their 
speedy execution, and also of five others who were 
condemned at the former court. . . . But ... I sent 
a reprieve ; . . . the lieutenant-governor upon this 
occasion was enraged and filled with passionate anger, 
and refused to sit upon the bench at a superior court, 
at that time held at Charlestown ; and, indeed, hath 
from the beginning hurried on these matters with 
great precipitancy, and by his warrant hath caused 
the estates, goods, and chattels of the executed to be 
seized and disposed of without my knowledge or con- 
sent." ^ Some months earlier, also, just before the 
meeting of the legislature, he had called on Cotton 
Mather to defend him against the condemnation he 
had even then begun to feel, and the elder had re- 
sponded with a volume which remains as a memo- 
rial of him and his compeers.^ He gave thanks for 
the blood that had already flowed, and praj'ed to God 
for more. " They were some of the gracious words, 
inserted in the advice, which many of the neighbouring 
ministers, did this summer humbly lay before our hon- 
ourable judges : ' We cannot but with all thankful- 
ness, acknowledge the success which the merciful God 
has given unto the sedulous and assiduous endeav- 
ours of our honourable rulers, to detect the abom- 
inable witchcrafts which have been committed in the 

1 Phips to the Earl of Nottingham, Feb. 21, 1693. Palfrey, 
iv. 112, note 2. 

* Wonders of the Invisible World. 



230 THE WITCHCRAFT. 

country ; humbly praying that the discovery of those 
mysterious and mischievous wickednesses, may be per- 
fected.' If in the midst of the many dissatisfactions 
among its, the publication of these trials, may promote 
such a pious thankfulness unto God, for justice being 
so far, executed among us, I shall rejoyce that God is 
glorified ; and pray that no wrong steps of ours may 
ever sully any of his glorious woi:ks." ^ 

" These witches . . . have met in hellish randez- 
vouszes. ... In these hellish meetings, these mon- 
sters have associated themselves to do no less a thing 
than to destroy the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
in these parts of the world. . . . We are truly come 
into a day, which by being well managed might be 
very glorious, for the exterminating of those, accursed 
things, . . . But if we make this day quarrelsome, . . . 
Alas, O Lord, my flesh trembles for fear of thee, and 
I am afraid of thy judgments." ^ 

While reading such words the streets of Salem rise 
before the eyes, with the cart dragging Martha Cory 
to the gallows while she protests her innocence, and 
there, at her journey's end, at the gibbet's foot, stands 
the Rev. Nicholas Noyes, pointing to the dangling 
corpses, and saying : " What a sad thing it is to see 
eight firebrands of hell hanging there." ^ 

The sequence of cause and effect is sufficiently ob- 
vious. Although at a moment when the panic had 

1 Wonders of the Invisible World, pp. 82, 83. 

2 Idem, pp. 49-60. 

• More Wonders, p. 108. 



THE WITCHCRAFT. 231 

got beyond control, even the most ultra of the clergy 
had been forced by their own danger to counsel mod- 
eration, the conservatives were by no means ready to 
abandon their potent allies from the lower world ; 
the power they gave was too alluring. " 'Tis a strange 
passage recorded by Mr. Clark, in the life of his fa- 
ther, That the people of his parish refusing to be re- 
claimed from their Sabbath breaking, by all the zeal- 
ous testimonies which that good man bore against it ; 
at last [one night] . . . there was heard a great noise, 
with rattling of chains, up and down the town, and an 
horrid scent of brimstone. . . . Upon which the guilty 
consciences of the wretches, told them, the devil was 
come to fetch them away; and it so terrify'd them, 
that an eminent reformation follow'd the sermons 
which that man of God preached thereupon," ^ They 
therefore saw the constant acquittals, the abandon- 
ment of prosecutions, and the growth of incredu- 
lity with regret. The next year Cotton Mather laid 
bare the workings of their minds with cynical frank- 
ness. *' The devils have with most horrendous opera- 
tions broke in upon our neighbourhood, and God has 
at such a rate overruled all the fury and malice of 
those devils, that . . . the souls of many, especially 
of the rising generation, have been thereby waken'd 
unto some acquaintance with religion ; our young peo- 
ple who belonged unto the praying meetings, of both 
sexes, apart would ordinarily spend whole nights by 
the whole weeks together in prayers and psalms upon 
1 Wonders of the Invisible World, p. 65. 



232 THE WITCHCRAFT. 

these occasions ; . . . and some scores of other young 
people, who were strangers to real piety, were now 
struck with the lively demonstrations of hell . . . be- 
fore their eyes. ... In the whole — the de\il got just 
nothing, but God got praises, Christ got subjects, the 
Holy Spirit got temples, the church got addition, and 
the souls of men got everlasting benefits." ^ 

Mather prided himself on what he had done. " I 
am not so vain as to say that any wisdom or virtue of 
mine did contribute unto this good order of things; 
but I am so just as to say, I did not hinder this 
good." 2 Men with such beliefs, and lured onward 
by such temptations, were incapable of letting the tre- 
mendous power superstition gave them slip from their 
grasp without an effort on their own behalf ; and ac- 
cordingly it was not long before the Mathers were 
once more at work. On the 10th of September, 
1693, or about nine months after the last spasms at 
Salem, and when the belief in enchantments was fast 
falling into disrepute, a girl named Margaret Ride 
was taken with the accustomed symptoms in Boston. 
Forthwith these two godly divines repaired to her 
bedside, and this is what took place : — 

Then Mr. M father and son came up, and oth- 
ers with them, in the whole were about thirty or forty 
persons, they being sat, the father on a stool, and the 
son upon the bedside by her, the son began to ques- 
tion her : 

* More Wonders, p. 12. 2 Jdem^ p. 12. 



THE WITCHCRAFT. 233 

Margaret Rule, how do you do ? Then a pause 
vdthout any answer. 

Question. What. Do there a gi-eat many witches 
sit upon you? Answer. Yes. 

Question. Do you not know that there is a hard 
master ? 

Then she was in a fit. He laid his hand upon 
her face and nose, but, as he said, without perceiving 
breath; then he brush'd her on the face with his 
glove, and rubb'd her stomach (her breast not being 
covered with the bed clothes) and bid others do so 
too, and said it eased her, then she revived. 

Q. Don't you know there is a hard master? A. 
Yes. 

Reply. Don't serve that hard master, you know 
who. 

Q. Do you believe ? Then again she was in a fit, 
and he again rub'd her breast &c. . . . He wrought 
his fingers before her eyes and asked her if she saw 
the watches? A. No. . . . 

Q. Who is it that afflicts you ? A. 1 know not, 
there is a great many of them. . . . 

Q. You have seen the black man, hant you? A. 
No. 

Reply. I hope you never shall. 

Q. You have had a book offered you, hant you ? 
A. No. 

Q. The brushing of you gives you ease, don't it? 
A. Yes. She turn'd herself e, and a little groan'd. 

Q. Now the witches scratch you, and pinch you, 



234 THE WITCHCRAFT. 

and bite you, don't they ? A. Yes. Then he put his 
hand upon her breast and belly, viz. on the clothes 
over her, and felt a living thing, as he said; which 
moved the father also to feel, and some others. 

Q. Don't you feel the live thing in the bed? 
A. No. . . . 

Q. Shall we go to pray . . . spelling the word. 
A. Yes. The father went to prayer for perhaps half 
an hour, chiefly against the power of the devil and 
witchcraft, and that God would bring out the afflict- 
ers. . . . After prayer he [the son] proceeded. 

Q. You did not hear when we were at prayer did 
you? A. Yes. 

Q. You don't hear always ? you don't hear some- 
times past a word or two, do you ? A. No. Then 
turning him about said, this is just another Mercy 
Short. . . . 

Q. What does she eat or drink ? A. Not eat at 
all ; but drink rum.^ 

To sanctify to the godly the ravings of this drunken 
and abandoned wench was a solemn joy to the heart 
of this servant of Christ, who gave his life to " un- 
wearied cares and pains, to rescue the miserable from 
the lions and bears of hell," ^ therefore he prepared 
another tract. But his hour was well-nigh come. 
Though it was impossible that retribution should be 
meted out to him for his crimes, at least he did not 

^ Alore Wonders, pp. 13, 14. 
- Idem, p. 10. 



THE WITCHCRAFT. 235 

escape unscathed, for Calef and the Brattles, who had 
long been on his father's track and his, now seized 
him by the throat. He knew well they had been 
with him in the chamber of Margaret Rule, that they 
had gathered all the evidence; and so when Calef 
sent him a challenge to stand forth and defend him- 
self, he shuffled and equivocated. 

At length a rumor spread abroad that a volume was 
to be published exposing the whole black history, and 
then the priest began to cower. His Diary is full of 
his prayers and lamentations. " The book is printed, 
and the impression is this week arrived here. ... I 
set myself to humble myself before the Lord under 
these humbling and wondrous dispensations, and ob- 
tain the pardon of my sins, that have rendered me 
worthy of such dispensations. . . . 

" 28d. 10m. Saturday. — The Lord has permitted 
Satan to raise an extraordinary storm upon my father 
and myself. All the rage of Satan against the holy 
churches of the Lord falls upon us. First Calf's book, 
and then Coleman's, do set the people in a mighty 
ferment. All the adversaries of the churches lay their 
heads together, as if, by blasting of us, they hoj)ed 
utterly to blow up all. The Lord fills my soul with 
consolations, inexpressible consolations, when I think 
on my conformity to my Lord Jesus Christ in the 
injuries and reproaches that are cast upon me. . . . 

" 5d. 2m. Saturday [1701]. — I find the enemies of 
the churches are set with an implacable enmity against 
myself ; and one vile fool, namely, R. Calf, is employed 



236 THE WITCHCRAFT. 

by them to go on with more of his filthy scribbles to 
hurt my precious opportunities of glorifying ray Lord 
Jesus Christ. I had need be much in prayer unto my 
glorious Lord that he would preserve his poor servant 
from the malice of this evil generation, and of that 
vile man particularly." ^ 

" More Wonders of the Invisible World " appeared 
in 1700, and such was the terror the clergy still in- 
spired it is said it had to be sent to London to be 
printed, and when it was published no bookseller in 
Boston dared to offer it in his shop.^ Yet though 
it was burnt in the college yard by the order of In- 
crease Mather, it was widely read, and dealt the death- 
blow to the witchcraft superstition of New England. 
It did more than this : it may be said to mark an era 
in the intellectual development of Massachusetts, for 
it shook to its centre that moral despotism which the 
pastors still kept almost unimpaired over the minds 
of their congregations, by demonstrating to the people 
the necessity of thinking for themselves. But what 
the fate of its authors would have been had the priests 
still ruled may be guessed by the onslaught made on 
them by those who sat at the Mathers' feet. " Spit 
on. Calf ; thou shalt be but like the viper on Pauls 
hand, easily shaken off, and without any damage to 
the servant of the Lord." ^ 

1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. 1855-^8, pp. 290-293. 
'^ Some Few Remarks, p. 9. 
8 Idem, p. 22. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

BRATTLE CHURCH. 

As the working of the human mind is mechanical, 
the quality of its action must largely depend upon the 
training it receives. Viewed as civilizing agents, 
therefore, systems of education are to be tested by 
their tendency to accelerate or retard the intellectual 
development of the race. The proposition is capable 
of being presented with almost mathematical preci- 
sion ; the receptive faculty begins to fail at a compar- 
atively early age ; thereafter new opinions are assimi- 
lated with increasing difficulty until the power is lost. 
This progressive period of life, which is at best brief, 
may, however, be indefinitely shortened by the inter- 
position of artificial obstacles, which have to be over- 
come by a waste of time and energy, before the rea- 
son can act with freedom ; and when these obstacles 
are sufficiently formidable, the whole time is con- 
sumed and men are stationary. The most effectual 
impediments are those prejudices which are so easily 
implanted in youth, and which acquire tremendous 
power when based on superstitious terrors. Herein, 
then, lies the radical divergence between theological 
and scientific training : the one, by inculcating that 
tradition is sacred, that accurate investigation is sac- 



238 BRATTLE CHURCH. 

rilege, certain to be visited with terrific punishment, 
and that the highest moral virtue is submission to au- 
thority, seeks to paralyze exact thought, and to pro- 
duce a condition in which dogmatic statements of 
fact, and despotic rules of conduct, will be received 
with abject resignation ; the other, by stimulating 
the curiosity, endeavors to provoke inquiry, and, by 
encouraging a scrutiny of what is obscure, tries to 
put the mind in an impartial and questioning attitude 
toward all the phenomena of the universe. 

The two methods are irreconcilable, and spring from 
the great primary instincts which are called conserva- 
tism and liberality. Necessarily the movement of any 
community must correspond exactly with the prepon- 
derance of liberalism. Where the theological incu- 
bus is unresisted it takes the form of a sacred caste, 
as among the Hindoos ; appreciable advance then 
ceases, except from some external pressure, such as 
conquest. The same tendencies in a mitigated form 
are seen in Spain, whereas Germany is scientific. 

Such being the ceaseless conflict between these nat- 
ural forces, the vantage-points for which the oppos- 
ing parties have always struggled in western Europe 
are the pulpits and the universities. Through women 
the church can reach children at their most impres- 
sionable age, while at the universities the teachers are 
taught. Obviously, if a priesthood can control both 
positions their influence must be immense. At the 
beginning of any movement the conservatives are al- 
most necessarily in possession, and their worst reverses 



BRATTLE CHURCH. 239 

have come from defection from within ; for unless 
their organization is so perfect as not only to be ani- 
mated by a single purpose, but capable of being con- 
trolled by a single will, liberals will penetrate within 
the fold, and if they can maintain their footing and 
preach with the authority of the ancient tradition it 
leads to revolution. It was thus the Reformation was 
accomplished. 

The clergy of Massachusetts, with the true priestly 
instinct, took in the bearings of their situation from 
the instant they recognized that their political suprem- 
acy was passing away, and in order to keep their 
organization in full vigor they addressed themselves 
with unabated energy to enforcing the discipline which 
had been established ; at the same time they set the 
ablest of their number on guard at Harvard. But 
the task was beyond their strength ; they might as 
well have tried to dam the rising tide with sand. 

There is a limit to the capacity of even the most 
gifted man, and Increase Mather committed a fatal 
error when he tried to be professor, clergyman, and 
statesman at once. He was, it is true, made presi- 
dent in 1685, but the next year John Leverett and 
William Brattle were chosen tutors and fellows, who 
soon developed into ardent liberals ; so it happened 
that when the reverend rector went abroad in 1688, 
in his character of politician, he left the coUege in 
the complete control of his adversaries. He was ab- 
sent four years, and during this interval the man 
was educated who was destined to overthrow the Cam- 



240 BRATTLE CHURCH. 

bridge Platform, the corner-stone of the conservative 
power. 

Benjamin Colman was one of Leverett's favorite 
pupils and the intimate friend of Pemberton. As he 
was to be a minister, he stayed at Cambridge until he 
took his master's degree in 1695 ; he then sailed at 
once for England in the Swan. When she had been 
some weeks at sea she was attacked by a French pri- 
vateer, who took her after a sharp action. During 
the fight Colman attracted attention by his coolness ; 
but he declared that though he fired like the rest, 
" he was sensible of no courage but of a great deal of 
fear ; and when they had received two or three broad- 
sides he wondered when his courage would come, as 
he had heard others talk." ^ 

After the capture the Frenchmen stripped him and 
put him in the hold, and had it not been for a Ma- 
dame Allaire, who kept his money for him, he might 
very possibly have perished from the exposure of an 
imprisonment in France, for his lungs were delicate. 
Moreover, at this time of his life he was always a 
pauper, for he was not only naturally generous, but 
so innocent and confiding as to fall a victim to any 
clumsy sharper. Of course he reached London pen- 
niless and in great depression of spirits ; but he soon 
became known among the dissenting clergy, and at 
length settled at Bath, where he preached two years. 
He seems to have formed singularly strong friend- 
ships while in England, one of which was with Mr. 
^ Life of B. Colman, p. 6. 



BRATTLE CHURCH. 241 

Walter Singer, at whose house he passed much time, 
and who wrote him at parting, " Methinks there is 
one place vacant in my affections, which nobody can 
fill beside you. But this blessing was too great for 
me, and God has reserved it for those that more de- 
served it. — I cannot but hope sometimes that Prov- 
idence has yet in store so much happiness for me, 
that I shall yet see you." ^ 

Meanwhile opinion was maturing fast at home ; the 
passions of the witchcraft convulsion had gone deep, 
and in 1697 a movement began under the guidance 
of Leverett and the Brattles to form a liberal Con- 
gregational church. The close on which the meeting- 
house was to stand was conveyed by Thomas Brattle 
to trustees on January 10, 1698, and from the outset 
there seems to have been no doubt as to whom the 
pastor should be. On the 10th of May, 1699, a for- 
mal invitation was dispatched to Colman by a com- 
mittee, of which Thomas Brattle was chairman, and 
it was accompanied by letters from many prominent 
liberals. Leverett wrote, "I shall exceedingly re- 
joice at your return to your country. We want per- 
sons of your character. The affair offered to your 
consideration is of the greatest moment." William 
Brattle was even more emphatic, while Pemberton 
assured him that " the gentlemen who solicit your re- 
turn are mostly known to you — men of repute and 
figure, from whom you may expect generous treat- 
ment ; . . . I believe your return will be pleasing to 
^ Life of B. Colman, p. 48. 



242 BRATTLE CHURCH. 

all that know you, I am sure it will be inexpressi- 
bly so to your unfeigned friend and servant." ^ It 
was, however, thought prudent to have him ordained 
in London, since there was no probability that the 
clergy of Massachusetts would perform the rite. 
When he landed in November, after an absence of 
four years, he was in the flush of early manhood, 
highly trained for theological warfare, having seen 
the world, and by no means in awe of his old pastor, 
the reverend president of Harvard. 

The first step after his arrival was to declare the 
liberal policy, and this was done in a manifesto which 
was published almost at once.^ The efficiency of the 
Congregational organization depended upon the per- 
fection of the guard which the ministers and the con- 
gregations mutually kept over each other. On the 
one hand no dangerous element could creep in among 
the people through the laxness of the elder, since all 
candidates for the communion had to pass through 
the ordeal of a public examination ; on the other the 
orthodoxy of the ministers was provided for, not only 
by restricting the elective body to the communicants, 
but by the power of the ordained clergy to " except 
against any election of a pastor who . . . may be 
. . . unfit for the common service of the gospel." ^ 

The declaration of the Brattle Street "undertakers" 

^ Life of B. Colman, pp. 43, 44. 
2 History of Brattle St. Church, p. 20. 

8 Propositions determined by the Assembly of Ministers. Mag- 
nolia, bk. 5, Hist. Remarks, § 8. 



BRATTLE CHURCH. 243 

cut this system at the root, for they announced their 
intention to dispense with the relation of experiences, 
thus practically throwing their communion open to all 
respectable persons who would confess the Westmin- 
ster Creed ; and more fatal still, they absolutely de- 
stroyed the homogeneousness of the ecclesiastical con- 
stituency : " We cannot confine the right of chusing 
a minister to the male communicants alone, but we 
think that every baptized adult person who contrib- 
utes to the maintenance, should have a vote in elect- 
ing." 1 

They also proposed several innovations of minor 
importance, such as relaxing the baptismal regula- 
tions, and somewhat changing the established service 
by having the Bible read without comment. 

Their temporal power was gone, toleration was the 
law of the land they had once possessed, and now an 
onslaught was to be made upon the intellectual ascen- 
dency which the clergy felt certain of maintaining 
over their people, if only they could enforce obedience 
in their own ranks. The danger, too, was the more 
alarming because so insidious ; for, though their prop- 
ositions seemed reasonable, it was perfectly obvious 
that should the liberals succeed in forcing their church 
within the pale of the orthodox communion, discipline 
must end, and the pulpits might at any time be filled 
with men capable of teaching the most subversive doc- 
trines. Although such might be the inexorable des- 
tiny of the Massachusetts hierarchy, it was not in 
1 History of Brattle St. Church, p. 25, Prop. 16. 



244 BRATTLE CHURCH. 

ecclesiastical human nature to accept the dispensation 
with meekness, and the utterances of the conservative 
divines seem hardly to breathe the spirit of that gos- 
pel they preached at such interminable length. 

Yet it was very difficult to devise a scheme of re- 
sistance. They were powerless to coerce ; for, al- 
though Increase Mather had taken care, when at the 
summit of his power, to have a statute passed which 
had the effect of reenacting the Cambridge Platform, 
it had been disapproved by the king ; therefore, moral 
intimidation was the only weapon which could be em- 
ployed. Now, aside from the fact that men like 
Thomas Brattle and Leverett were not timorous, their 
position was at this moment very strong from the 
stand they had taken in the witchcraft troubles, and 
worst of all, they were openly supported by William 
Brattle, who was already a minister, and by Pember- 
ton, who was a fellow of Harvard, and soon to be 
ordained. 

The attack was, however, begnin by Mr. Higginson, 
and Mr. Noyes, of witchcraft memory, in a long re- 
buke, whose temper may be imagined from such a 
sentence as this : " We cannot but think you might 
have entered upon your declaration with more rev- 
erence and humility than so solemnly to appeal to 
God, your judge, that you do it with all the sincerity 
and seriousness the nature of your engagement com- 
mands from you ; seeing you were most of you much 
unstudied in the controversial points of church order 
and discipline, and yet did not advise with the neigh- 



BRATTLE CHURCH. 245 

boring churches . . . but with a great deal of con- 
fidence and freedom, set up by yourselves." The 
letter then goes on to adjure them to revoke the man- 
ifesto, and adjust matters with the "neighbouring 
elders," " that so the right hand of fellowship may 
be given to your pastor by other pastors, . . . and 
that you may not be the beginning of a schism that 
will dishonour God, . . . and be a matter of triumph 
to the bad." i 

Cotton Mather's Diary, however, gives the most 
pleasing view of the high churchmen : — 

" 1699. 7th, 10th m. (Dec.) I see another day of 
temptation begun upon the town and land. A com- 
pany of headstrong men in the town, the chief of 
whom are full of malignity to the holy ways of our 
churches, have built in the town another meeting- 
house. To delude many better meaning men in their 
own company, and the churches in the neighbourhood, 
they passed a vote in the foundation of the proceed- 
ings that they would not vary from the practice of 
these churches, except in one little particular. 

" But a young man born and bred here, and hence 
gone for England, is now returned hither at their in- 
vitation, equipped with an ordination to qualify him 
for all that is intended on his returning and arriving 
here ; these fallacious people desert their vote, and 
without the advice or knowledge of the ministers in 
the vicinity, they have published, under the title of a 
manifesto, certain articles that utterly subvert our 
1 History of Brattle St. Church, pp. 29-37. 



246 BRATTLE CHURCH. 

churches, and invite an ill party, through all the coun- 
try, to throw all into confusion on the first opportuni- 
ties. This drives the ministers that would be faithful 
unto the Lord Jesus Christ, and his interests in the 
churches, unto a necessity of appearing for their de- 
fence. No little part of these actions must unavoid- 
ably fall to my share. I have already written a large 
monitory letter to these innovators, which, though most 
lovingly penned, yet enrages their violent and imperi- 
ous lusts to carry on the apostacy." 

"1699. 5th d. 11th m. (Saturday.) I see Satan be- 
ginning a terrible shake in the churches of New Eng- 
land, and the innovators that had set up a new church 
in Boston (a new one indeed !) have made a day of 
temptation among us. The men are ignorant, arro- 
gant, obstinate, and full of malice and slander, and 
they fill the land with lies, in the misrepresentations 
whereof I am a very singular sufferer. Wherefore I 
set apart this day again for prayer in my study, to cry 
mightily unto God." ^ 

" 21st d. 11th m. The people of the new church 
in Boston, who, by their late manifesto, went on in an 
ill way, and in a worse frame, and the to\vn was filled 
with sin, and especially with slanders, wherein espe- 
cially my father and myself were sufferers. We two, 
with many prayers and studies, and with humble res- 
ignation of our names unto the Lord, prepared a 
faitliful antidote for our churches against the infec- 
tion of the example, which we feared this company 
^ History of Harvard, Quincy, i. 486, 487, App. x. 



BRATTLE CHURCH. 247 

had given them, and we put it into the press. But 
when the first sheet was near composed at the press, 
I stopped it, with a desire to make one attempt more 
for the bringing- of this people to reason. I drew 
up a proposal, and, with another minister, carried it 
unto them, who at first rejected it, but afterward so 
far embraced it, as to promise that they will the next 
week publicly recognize their covenant ■s\nth God and 
one another, and therewithal! declare their adherence 
to the Heads of Agreement of the United Brethren 
in England, and request the communion of our 
churches in that foundation." ^ 

This last statement is marked by the exuberance 
of imagination for which the Mathers are so famed. 
In truth. Dr. Mather had nothing to do with the set- 
tlement. The facts were these : after Brattle Street 
Church was organized, the congregation voted that 
Mr. Colman shovdd ask the ministers of the town to 
keep a day of prayer with them. On the 28th of 
December, 1699, they received the following sugges- 
tive answer : — 

Mr. Colman : 

Whereas you have signified to us that your so- 
ciety have desired us to join with them in a public 
fast, in order to your intended communion, our an- 
swer is, that as we have formerly once and again in- 
sinuated unto you, that if you would in due manner lay 
aside what you call your manifesto, and resolve and 

* History of Harvard, i. 487, App. x. 



248 BRATTLE CHURCH. 

declare that you will keep to the heads of agreement 
on which the United Brethren in London have made 
their union, and then publicly proceed with the pres- 
ence, countenance, and concurrence of the New Eng- 
land churches, we should be free to give you our fel- 
lowship and our best assistance, which things you 
have altogether declined and neglected to do ; thus we 
must now answer, that, if you wiU give us the satisfac- 
tion which the law of Christ requires for your disor- 
derly proceedings, we shall be happy to gratify your 
desires ; otherwise, we may not do it, lest ... we be- 
come partakers of the guilt of those irregularities by 
which you have given just cause of offence. . . . 

Increase Mather. 

James Allen.^ 

Under the theocracy a subservient legislature would 
have voted the association " a seditious conspiracy," 
and the country would have been cleared of Leverett, 
Colman, the Brattles, and their abettors ; but in 1700 
the priests no longer manipulated the constituencies, 
and there was actual danger to the conservative cause 
from their violence ; therefore Stoughton exerted him- 
self to muzzle the Mathers, and he did succeed in qui- 
eting them for the moment, though Sewall seems to 
intimate that they submitted with no very good grace : 
[If !§.] " Jan^ 24t^ The L* Gov'' [Stoughton] calls 
me with him to Mr. Willards, where out of two pa- 
pers Mr. W"^ Brattle drew up a third for an accomo- 

^ History of Brattle St. Church, p. 55. 



BRATTLE CHURCH. 249 

dation to bring on an agreement between the new- 
church and our ministers ; Mr. Colman got his breth- 
ren to subscribe it. . . . Jan^ 25*^^. Mr. I. Mather, Mr. 
C. Mather, Mr. Willard, Mr. Wadsworth, and S. S. 
wait on the L* Gov' at Mr. Coopers : to confer about 
the writing drawn up the evening before. Was some 
heat ; but grew calmer, and after lecture agreed to be 
present at the fast which is to be observed Jan^ 31." ^ 

Humility has sometimes been extolled as the crown- 
ing grace of Christian clergymen, but Cotton Mather's 
Diary shows the intolerable arrogance of the early 
Congregational divines. 

"A wonderful joy filled the hearts of our good 
people far and near, that we had obtained thus much 
from them. Our strife seemed now at an end ; there 
was much relenting in some of their spirits, when they 
saw our condescension, our charity, our compassion. 
We overlooked all past offences. We kept the public 
fast with them . . . and my father preached with 
them on following peace with holiness, and I concluded 
with prayer." ^ 

Yet, although there had been this ostensible recon- 
ciliation, those who have appreciated the sensitiveness 
to sin, of him whom Dr. Eliot calls the patriarch and 
his son, must already feel certain they were incapable 
of letting Colman's impiety pass unrebuked ; indeed, 
the Diary says the " faithful antidote " was at that 
moment in the press, and it was not long before it was 

1 Mass. Hist. Coll. fifth series, vi. 2. 

2 History of Harvard, i. 487, App. x. 



250 BRATTLE CHURCH. 

published, sanctified by their prayers. The patriarch 
began by telling how he was defending the "cause 
of Christ and of his churches in New England," 
and " if we espouse such principles ... we then give 
away the whole Congregational cause at once." ^ He 
assured his hearers that a " wandering; Levite " like 
Colman was no more a pastor than he who " has no 
children is a father," ^ he was shocked at the aban- 
donment of the relation of experiences, and was so 
scandalized at reading the Bible without comment he 
could only describe it as "dumb." In a word, there 
was nothing the new congregation had done which 
was not displeasing to the Lord ; but if they had of- 
fended in one particular more than another it was in 
establishing a man in " the pastoral office without the 
approbation of neighbouring churches or elders." ^ To 
this solemn admonition Colman and William Brattle 
had the irreverence to prepare a reply smacking of 
levity; nevertheless, they began with a grave and no- 
ble definition of their principles. " The liberties and 
privileges which our Lord Jesus Christ has given to 
his church . . . consist . . . in . . . that our con- 
sciences be not imposed on by men or their tradi- 
tions." " We are reflected on as casting dishonour 
on our parents, & their pious design in the first settle- 
ment of this land. . . . Some have made this the great 
design, to be freed from the impositions of men in 

^ Order of the Gospel, pp. 8, 9. 
2 Idem, p. 102. 
® Idein, p. 8. 



BRATTLE CHURCH. 251 

the worship of God. ... In this we are risen up to 
make good their grounds." ^ 

They then went on to expose the abuse of public 
relations of experiences : " But this is the misery, the 
more meek and fearful are hereby kept out of God's 
house, while the more conceited and presumptuous 
never boggle at this, or anything else. But it seems 
there is a gross corruption of this laudable practice 
which the author does well to censure ; and that is, 
when some, who have no good intention of their own, 
get others to devise a relation for them." ^ They even 
dared to intimate that it did not savor of modesty for 
the patriarch " to think any one of his sermons, or 
short comments, can edifie more than the reading of 
twenty chapters." ^ And then they added some sen- 
tences, which were afterward declared by the vener- 
able victim to be as scurrilous as other portions of the 
pamphlet were profane. 

" We are assured, the author is esteemed more a 
Presbyterian than a Congregational man, by scores 
of his friends in London. He is lov'd and reverenced 
for a moderate spirit, a peaceable disposition, and a 
temper so widely different from his late brothers in 
London. . . . Did our reverend author appear the 
same here, we should be his easie proselites too. But 
we are loath to say how he forfeits that venerable 
character, which might have consecrated his name to 

1 Gospel Order Revived, Epistle Dedicatory. 
' Idem, p. 9. 
• Idem, p. 15. 



252 BRATTLE CHURCH. 

posterity, more than his learning, or other honorary 
titles can." ^ 

No printer in Boston dared to be responsible for 
this ribaldry, and when it came home from New York 
and was actually cast before the people, words fail to 
convey the condition into which the patriarch was 
thrown. At last his emotions found a vent in a tract 
which he prepared jointly with his son. 

" A moral heathen would not have done as he has 
done.'^ . . . There is no one thing, which does more 
threaten or disgrace New-England, than want of due 
respect unto superiors.^ ... It is a disgrace to the 
name of Presbyterian, that such as he is should pre- 
tend unto it * . . . and if our children should learn from 
them, ... we may tremble to think, what a flood of 
profaneness and atheism would break in upon us, and 
ripen us for the dreadfullest judgments of God.^ . . . 
They assault him [the aged president] with a volley of 
rude jeers and taunts, as if they were so many children 
of Bethel." ^ Among these taunts some struck deep, 
for they are quoted at length. " 'Abundance of people 
have long obstinately believed, that the contest on his 
part, is more for lordship and dominion, than for 
truth.' But there are many more such passages, which 
laid altogether, would make a considerable dung- 
hil." "^ They dwelt with pathos upon those sacred rites 

^ Gospel Order Revived, pp. 34, 35. 

2 Collection of Some of the More Offensive Matterc, Preface. 

3 Idem, p. 10. * Idem, p. 12. ^ Idem, p. 7. 
* Idem, p. 8. '' Idem^ p. 9. 



BRATTLE CHURCH. 253 

desecrated by these " unsanctified" "young men" in 
their " miserable pamphlet." " The Lord is exceed- 
ingly glorified, and his people are edified, by the ac- 
counts, which the candidates, of the communion in our 
churches give of that self-examination which is by plain 
institution ... a qualification, of the communicants. 
Now these think it not enough to charge the churches, 
which require & expect such accounts, with exceed- 
ingly provoking the Lord. But of the tears dropt 
by holy souls on those occasions, they say with a scoff, 
' whether they be for joy or grief, we are left in the 
dark.' " ^ But the suffering divines found peace in 
knowing that Christ himself would inflict the punish- 
ment upon these abandoned men which the priests 
would have meted out with holy joy had they still 
possessed the power. 

" Considering that the things contained in their 
pamphlet, are a deep apostasy, in conjunction with 
such open impiety, and profane scurrility against the 
holy wayes in which our fathers w^alked, in case it be- 
come the sin of the land, (as it will do if not duely 
testified against) we may fear that some heavy judg- 
ment will come upon the whole land. And will not 
the holy Lord Jesus Christ, who walks in the midst 
of his golden candlesticks, make all the churches to 
know . . . that these men have provoked the Lord ! " ^ 

Yet, notwithstanding the Mathers' piteous prayers, 
God heeded them not, and the rising tide that was 

^ Collection of Some of the More Offensive Matters, p. 6. 
» Idem, pp. 18, 19. 



254 BRATTLE CHURCH. 

sweeping over them soon drowned their cries. Brattle 
Street congregation becaine an honored member of 
the orthodox communion, the principles which ani- 
mated its founders spread apace, and the name of 
Benjamin Colman waxed great in the land. The 
liberals had penetrated the stronghold of the church. 



CHAPTER IX. 

HAEVARD COLLEGE. 

For more than two centuries one ceaseless anthem 
of adulation has been chanted in Massachusetts in 
honor of the ecclesiastics who founded Harvard Uni- 
versity, and this act has not infrequently been cited 
as incontrovertible proof that they were both liberal 
and progressive at heart. The laudation of ancestors 
is a task as easy as it is popular ; but history deals 
with the sequence of cause and effect, and an exam- 
ination of facts, apart from sentiment, tends to show 
that in building a college the clergy were actuated by 
no loftier motive than intelligent self-interest, if, in- 
deed, they were not constrained thereto by the inex- 
orable exigencies of their position. 

The truth of this proposition becomes apparent if 
the soundness of the following analysis be conceded. 

There would seem to be a point in the pathway of 
civilization where every race passes more or less com- 
pletely under the dominion of a sacred caste ; when 
and how the more robust have emerged into freedom 
is uncertain, but enough is known to make it possible 
to trace the process by which this insidious power is 
acquired, and the means by which it is perpetuated. 
A flood of light has, moreover, been shed on this class 



256 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

of subjects by the recent remarkable investigations 
among tlie Zuuis.^ 

Most American Indians are in the matriarchal pe- 
riod of development, which precedes the patriarchal; 
and it is then, should they become sedentary, that 
caste appears to be born. Some valuable secret, such 
as a cure for the bite of the rattlesnake, is discovered, 
and this gives the finder, and chosen members of his 
clan with whom he shares it, a peculiar sanctity in 
the eyes of the rest of the tribe. Like facts, however, 
become known to other clans, and then coalitions are 
made which take the form of esoteric societies, and 
from these the stronger savages gradually exclude the 
weaker and their descendants. Meanwhile an elabo- 
rate ritual is developed, and so an hereditary priest- 
hood comes into life, which always claims to have re- 
ceived its knowledge by revelation, and which teaches 
that resistance to its will is sacrilege. Nevertheless 
the sacerdotal power is seldom firmly established 
without a struggle, the memory whereof is carefully 
preserved as a warning of the danger of incurring the 
divine wrath. A good example of such a myth is t^e 
fable of the rebellious Zuni fire-priest, who at the 
prayer of his orthodox brethren was destroyed with 
all his clan by a boiling torrent poured from the 
burning mountain, sacred to their order, by the aveng- 
ing gods. Compare this with the story of Korah; 
and it is interesting to observe how the priestly chron- 

1 Made by Mr. F. H. Gushing, of the Bureau of Ethnology, 
Smithsonian Institution. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 257 

icier, in order to throw the profounder awe about his 
class, has made the great national prophet the author 
of the exclusion of the body of the Levites from the 
caste, in favor of his own brother. " And they gath- 
ered themselves together against Moses and against 
Aaron, and said unto them. Ye take too much upon 
you, seeing all the congregation are holy, . . . where- 
fore then lift ye up yourselves above the congregation 
of the Lord ? 

" And when Moses heard it, he fell upon his face." 
Then he told Korah and his followers, who were de- 
scendants of Levi and legally entitled to act as priests 
by existing customs, to take censers and burn incense, 
and it would appear whether the Lord would respect 
their offering. So every man took his censer, and 
Korah and two hundred and fifty more stood in the 
door of the tabernacle. 

Then Moses said, if " the earth open her mouth, 
and swallow them up, with all that appertain unto 
them, and they go down quick into the pit ; then 
ye shall understand that these men have provoked 
the Lord. . . . 

" And the earth opened her mouth, and swallowed 
them up, and their houses, and all the men that ap- 
pertained unto Korah, and all their goods. 

" They, and all that appertained to them, went 
down alive into the pit, and the earth closed upon 
them : . . . And all Israel that were round about 
them fled at the cry of them : for they said, Lest the 
earth swallow us up also." ^ 

' Numbers xvi. 



268 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

Traces of a similar conflict are found in Hindoo 
sacred literature, and probably the process has been 
well-nigh universal. The caste, therefore, originates 
in knowledge, real and pretended, kept by secret tra- 
dition in certain families, and its power is maintained 
by systematized terrorism. But to learn the myste- 
ries and ritual requires a special education, hence 
those destined for the priesthood have careful provi- 
sion made for their instruction. The youthful Zuni is 
taught at the sacred college at the shrine of his order ; 
the pious Hindoo lives for years with some famous 
Brahmin ; as soon as the down came on the cheek, the 
descendants of Aaron were taken into the Temple at 
Jerusalem, and all have read how Hannah carried 
the infant Samuel to the house of the Lord at Shiloh, 
and how the child did minister unto the Lord before 
Eli the priest. 

These facts seem to lead to well-defined conclusions 
when applied to New England history. In their pas- 
sionate zeal the colonists conceived the idea of repro- 
ducing, as far as they could, the society of the Penta- 
teuch, or, in other words, of reverting to the archaic 
stage of caste ; and in point of fact they did succeed 
in creating a theocratic despotism which lasted in full 
force for more than forty years. Of course, in the 
seventeenth century such a phase of feeling was ephem- 
eral ; but the phenomena which attended it are excep- 
tionally interesting, and possibly they are somewhat 
similar to those which accompany the liberation of a 
primitive people. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 259 

The knowledge which divided the Massachusetts 
clergy from other men was their supposed proficiency 
in the interpretation of the ancient writings contain- 
ing the revelations of God. For the perpetuation 
of this lore a seminary was as essential to them as 
an association of priests for the instruction of neo- 
phytes is to the Zuiii now, or as the training at the 
Temple was to the Jews. In no other way could the 
popular faith in their special sanctity be sustained. 
It is also true that few priesthoods have made more 
systematic use of terror. The slaughter of Anne 
Hutchinson and her family was exultingly declared to 
be the judgment of God for defaming the elders. In- 
crease Mather denounced the disobedient Colman in 
the words of Moses to Korah; Cotton Mather rev- 
elled in picturing the torments of the bewitched ; and, 
even in the last century Jonathan Edwards frightened 
people into convulsions by his preaching. Oq the 
other hand, it is obvious that the reproduction of the 
Mosaic law could not in the nature of things have 
been complete ; and the two weak points in the other- 
wise strong position of the clergy were that the spirit 
of their age did not permit them to make their order 
hereditary, nor, although their college was a true theo- 
logical school, did they perceive the danger of allow- 
ing any lay admixture. The tendency to weaken the 
force of the discipline is obvious, yet they were led to 
abandon the safe Biblical precedent, not only by their 
own early associations, but by their hatred of anythiag 
savoring of Catholicism. 



260 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

Men to be great leaders must exalt their cause 
above themselves ; and if so godly a man as the Rev. 
Increase Mather can be said to have had a human 
failing it was an inordinate love of money and of flat- 
tery. The first of these peculiarities showed itself 
early in life when, as his son says, he was reluctant 
to settle at the North Church, because of " views he 
had of greater service elsewhere," ^ In other words, 
the parish was not liberal ; for it seems " the deacons 
. . . were not spirited like some that have succeeded 
them ; and the leaders of the more honest people 
also, were men of a low, mean, sordid spirit. . . . For 
one of his education, and erudition, and gentlemanly 
spirit, and conversation, to be so creepled and kept in 
such a depressing poverty ! — In these distresses, it 
was to little purpose for him to make his complaint 
unto man ! If he had, it would have been basely im- 
proved unto his disadvantage." ^ His diary teemed 
with repinings. " Oh ! that the Lord Jesus, who 
hears my complaints before him, would either give an 
heart to my people to look after my comfortable sub- 
sistance among them, or . . . remove me to another 
people, who will take care of me, that so I may be in 
a capacity to attend his work, and glorify his name in 
my generation." ^ However, matters mended with 
him, for we are assured that " the Glorious One who 
knew the works, and the service and the patience of 
this tempted man, ordered it, that several gentlemen 
of good estate, and of better spirit, were become the 

^ Parentator, p. 25. ^ Idem, p. 30. ^ Idem, p. 33. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 261 

members of his church ; " and from them he had 
" such filial usages ... as took away from him all 
room of repenting, that he had not under his temp- 
tations prosecuted a removal from them." ^ 

The presidency of Harvard, though nominally the 
highest place a clergyman could hold in Massachu- 
setts, had always been one of poverty and self-de- 
nial ; for the salary was paid by the legislature, which, 
as the unfortunate Dunster had found, was not dis- 
posed to be generous. Therefore, although Mr. Ma- 
ther was chosen president in 1685, and was after- 
ward confirmed as rector by Andros, he was far too 
pious to be led again into those temptations from 
which he had been delivered by the interposition of 
the Glorious One ; and the last thing he proposed 
was to go into residence and give up his congrega- 
tion. Besides, he was engrossed in politics and went 
to England in 1688, where he stayed four years. 
Meanwhile the real control of education was left in 
the hands of Leverett, who was appointed tutor in 
1686, and of William Brattle, who was in full sym- 
pathy with his policy. Among the many powers 
usurped by the old trading company was that of erect- 
ing corporations ; hence the effect of the judgment 
vacating the patent had been to annul the college 
charter which had been granted by the General 
Court ; ^ and although the institution had gone on 
much as usual after the Revolution, its position was 
felt to be precarious. Such being the situation when 
1 Parentator, pp. 34, 35. « 23 May, 1650. Mass. Rec. iii. 195. 



262 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

the patriarch came home in 1692 in the plenitude of 
power, he conceived the idea of making himself the 
untrammfiUed master of the university, and he forth- 
with caused a bill to be introduced into the legislature 
which would certainly have produced that result.^ 
Nor did he meet with any serious opposition in Mas- 
sachusetts, where his power was, for the moment, well- 
nigh supreme. His difficulty lay with the king, since 
the fixed policy of Great Britain was to foster Episco- 
palianism, and of course to obtain some recognition 
for that sect at Cambridge. And so it came to pass 
that all the advantage he reaped by the enactment of 
this singular law was a degree of Doctor of Divinity ^ 
which he gave himself between the approval of the 
bill by Phips and its rejection at London. The com- 
pliment was the more flattering, however, as it was the 
first ever granted in New England. But the clouds 
were fast gathering over the head of this good man. 
Like many another benefactor of his race, he was 
doomed to experience the pangs inflicted by ingTati- 
tude, and indeed his pain was so acute he seldom lost 
an opportunity of giving it public expression ; to use 
his own words of some years later, " these are the last 
lecture sermons ... to be preached by me. . . . The 
ill treatment which I have had from those from whom 
I had reason to have expected better, have discour- 
aged me from being any more concerned on such oc- 
casions." ^ 

1 Province Laws, 1692-93, c. 10. 

^ Sept. 5, 1692. Quiney's Hvitory of Harvard, i. 71. 

' Address to Sermon, The Righteous Man a Blessing, 1702. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 263 

Certainly he was in a false position ; he was neces- 
sarily unappreciated by the liberals, and he had not 
only alienated many staunch conservatives by his ac- 
ceptance of the charter, but he had embittered them 
by rigorously excluding all except his particular fac- 
tion from Phips's council. To his deep chagrin, the 
elections of 1693 went in favor of many of these 
thankless men, and his discontent soon took the form 
of an intense longing to go abroad in some official 
position which would give him importance. The only 
possible opening seemed to be to get himself "made 
agent to negotiate a charter for Harvard ; and there- 
fore he soon had " angelical " suggestions that God 
needed him in England to glorify his name. 

" 1693. September 3d. As I was riding to preach 
at Cambridge, I prayed to God, — begged that my 
labors might be blessed to the souls of the students; 
at the which I was much melted. Also saying to the 
Lord, that some workings of his Providence seemed 
to intimate, that I must be returned to England 
again ; . . . I was inexpressibly melted, and that for 
a considerable time, and a stirring suggestion, that to 
England I must go. In this there was something ex- 
traordinary, either divine or angelical." 

" December 80th. Meltings before the Lord this 
day when praying, desiring being returned to England 
again, there to do service to his name, and persuasions 
that the Lord will appear therein." 

" 1694. January 27th. Prayers and supplications 
that tidings may come from England, that may be 



264 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

some direction to me, as to my returning thither or 
otherwise, as shall be most for his glory." 

" March 13th. This morning with prayers and 
tears I begged of God that I might hear from my 
friends and acquaintance in England something that 
should encourage and comfort me. Such tidings are 
coming, but I know not what it is. God has heard 
me." 1 

His craving to escape from the country was in- 
creased by the nagging of the legislature ; for so early 
as December, 1693, the representatives passed the first 
of a long series of resolves, " that the president of 
Harvard College for the time being shall reside there, 
as hath been accustomed in time past." ^ Now this 
was precisely what the Reverend Doctor was deter- 
mined he would not do ; nor could he resign with- 
out losing all hope of his agency ; so it is not sur- 
prising that as time went on he wrestled with the 
Deity. 

1698. " September 25th. This day as I was wres- 
tling with the Lord, he gave me glorious and heart' 
melting persuasions, that he has work for me to do in 
England, for the glory of his name. My soul re- 
joiceth in the Lord." ^ 

Doubtless his trials were severe, but the effect upon 
his temper was unfortunate. He brought forward 
scheme after scheme, and the corporation was made 

^ History of Harvard, i. 475, 476, App. ix. 

2 Court Rec. vi. 316. 

8 History of Harvard, i. 480, App. ix. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 265 

to address the legislature, and then the legislature 
was pestered to accede to the prayer of the corpora- 
tion, until everybody was wrought to a pitch of ner- 
vous irritation ; he himseK was always jotting in his 
Diary what he had on foot, mixed with his hopes and 
]>rayers. 

" 1696. December 11th. I was with the represen- 
tatives in the General Court, and did acquaint them 
with my purpose of undertaking a voyage for Eng- 
land in the spring (if the Lord will), in order to the 
attainment of a good settlement for the college." 

" December 28th. The General Court have done 
nothing for the poor college. . . . The corporation 
are desirous that I should go to England on the col- 
lege's account." 

1696. " April 19th (Sabbath.) In the morning, 
as I was praying in my closet, my heart was marvel- 
lously melted with the persuasion, that I should glo- 
rify Christ in England." 

" 1697. June 7th. Discourse with ministers about 
the college, and the corporation unanimously desired 
me to take a voyage for England on the college's 
account." ^ 

But of what the senior tutor was doing with the 
rising generation he took no note at all. His attention 
was probably first attracted by rumors of the Brattle 
Church revolt, for not till 1697 was he able to divert 
his thoughts from himself long enough to observe that 
all was not as it should be at Cambridge. Then, at 
^ History of Harvard, i. 476, App. ix. 



266 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

length, he made an effort to get rid of Leverett by 
striking his name from the list of fellows when a bill 
for incorporation was brought into the legislature ; 
but this crafty politician had already become too 
strong in the house of representatives, of which he 
was soon after made speaker. 

Two years later, however, the conservative clergy 
made a determined effort and prepared a bill contain- 
ing a religious test, which they suj)ported with a peti- 
tion praying " that, in the charter for the college, our 
holy religion may be secured to us and unto our pos- 
terity, by a provision, that no person shall be chosen 
president, or fellow, of the college, but such as declare 
their adherence unto the principles of reformation, 
which were espoused and intended by those who first 
settled the country . . . and have hitherto been the 
general profession of New England." ^ This time 
they narrowly missed success, for the bill passed the 
houses, but was vetoed by Lord Bellomont. 

Hitherto Cotton Mather had shown an unfilial lack 
of interest in his father's ambition to serve the pub- 
lic; but this summer he also began to have assurances 
from God. One cause for his fervor may have been 
the death of the Kev. Mr. Morton, who was conceded 
to stand next in succession to the presidency, and he 
therefore supposed himself to be sure of the office 
should a vacancy occur.^ 

^ History of Harvard, i. 87. 
2 Idem, i. 99. 
8 Idem, i. 102. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 267 

" 1699. 7th d. 4th m. (June.) The General Court 
has, divers times of late j^ears, had under consider- 
ation the matter of the settlement of the college, 
which was like still to issue in a voyage of my father 
to England, and the matter is now again considered. 
I have made much prayer about it many and many 
a time. Nevertheless, I never could have my mind 
raised unto any particiilar faith about it, one way or 
another. But this day, as I was (may I not say) in 
the spirit, it was in a powerful manner assured me 
from heaven, that my father should one day be car- 
ried into England, and that he shall there glorify the 
Lord Jesus Christ ; . . . And thou, O Mather the 
younger, shalt live to see this accomplished ! " ^ 

" 16th d. 5th m. (July.) Being full of distress 
in my spirit, as I was at prayer in my study at noon, 
it was told me from heaven, that my father shall be 
carried from me unto England, and that my opportu- 
nities to glorify the Lord Jesus Christ will, on that 
occasion, be gloriously accommodated.^^ 

" 18th d. 5th m. . . . And now behold a most unin- 
telligible dispensation ! At this very time, even about 
noon, instead of having the bill for the college en- 
acted, as was expected, the governor plainly rejected 
it, because of a provision therein, made for the religion 
of the country." 

After the veto the patriarch seems to have got the 
upper hand for a season, and to have made some 
arrangement by which he evicted his adversary, as ap- 
^ History of Harvard, i. 482, 483, App. x. 



268 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

pears by a very dissatisfied letter written by Leverett 
ia August, 1699 : "As soon as I got home I was in- 
formed, that Rev. President (I. M.), held a corpora- 
tion at the college the 7th inst., and the said cor- 
poration, after the publication of the new settlement^ 
made choice of Mr. Flynt to be one of the tutors at 
college. ... I have not the late act for incorpo- 
rating the college at hand, nor have I seen the new 
temporary settlement ; but I perceive, that all the 
members of the late corporation were not notified to 
be at the meeting. I can't say how legal these late 
proceedings are ; but it is wonderful, that an estab- 
lishment for so short a time as till October next, 
should be made use of so soon to introduce an un- 
necessary addition to that society." ^ 

A long weary year passed, during which Dr. Ma- 
ther must have suffered keenly from the public in- 
gratitude; stiU, at its end he was happy, since he 
felt certain of being rewarded by the Lord ; for, just 
as the earl's administration was closing, he had suc- 
ceeded by unremitting toil in so adjusting the legis- 
lature as to think the spoil his own ; when, alas, 
suddenly, without warning, in the most distressing 
manner, the prize slipped into Bellomont's pocket. 
How severely his faith was tried appears from his 
son's Diary. 

" 1700. 16th d. 4th mo. (Lord's Day.) I am 
going to relate one of the most astonishing things that 
ever befell in all the time of my pilgrimage. 
^ History of Harvard, i. 500, App. xvi. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 269 

"A particular faith had been unaccountably pro- 
duced in my father's heart, and in my own, that God 
will carry him unto England, and there give him a 
short but great opportunity to glorify the Lord Jesus 
Christ, before his entrance into the heavenly kingdom. 
There appears no probability of my father's going 
thither but in an agency to obtain a charter for the 
college. This matter having been for several years 
upon the very point of being carried in the General 
Assembly, hath strangely miscarried when it hath 
come to the birth. It is now again before the As- 
sembly, in circumstances wherein if it succeed not, it 
is never like to be revived and resumed any more. . . . 

" But the matter in the Assembly being likely now 
to come unto nothing, 1 was in this day in extreme 
distress of spirit concerning it. . . . After I had fin- 
ished all the other duties of this day, I did in my dis- 
tress cast myself prostrate on my study floor before 
the Lord. ... I spread before him the consequences 
of things, and the present posture and aspect of them, 
and, having told the Lord, that I had always taken a 
particular faith to be a work of heaven on the minds 
of the faithful, but if it should prove a deceit in that 
remarkable instance which was now the cause of my 
agony, I should be cast into a most wonderful confu- 
sion ; I then begged of the Lord, that, if my particular 
faith about my father's voyage to England were not 
a delusion, he would be pleased to renew it upon me. 
All this while my heart had the coldness of a stone 
upon it, and the straitness that is to be expected from 



270 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

the lone exercise of reason. But now all on the sud- 
den I felt an inexpressible force to fall on my mind, 
an afflatus, which cannot be described in words ; none 
knows it but he that has it. . . . It was told me, that 
the Lord Jesus Christ loved my father, and loved me, 
and that he took delight in us, as in two of his faith- 
ful servants, and that he had not permitted us to be 
deceived in our particular faith, but that my father 
shoidd be carried into England, and there glorify the 
Lord Jesus Christ before his passing into glory. . . . 

" Having left a flood of tears from me, by these 
rages from the invisible world, on my study floor, I 
rose and went into my chair. There I took up my 
Bible, and the first place that I opened was at Acts 
xxvii. 23-25, 'There stood by me an angel of God, 
whose I am, and whom I serve, saying. Fear not, thou 
must be brought before Caesar.' ... A new flood of 
tears gushed from my flowing eyes, and I broke out 
into these expressions. ' What ! shall my father yet 
appear before Caesar ! Has an angel from heaven told 
me so ! And must I believe what has been told me ! 
Well then, it shall be so ! It shall be so ! '" 

" And now what shall I say ! When the affair of 
my father's agency after this came to a turning point 
in the court, it strangely miscarried ! All came to 
nothing ! Some of the Tories had so wrought upon 
the governor, that, though he had first moved this 
matter, and had given us both directions and prom- 
ises about it, yet he now (not without base unhand- 
someness) deferred it. The lieutenant-governor, who 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 271 

had formerly been for it, now (not without great 
ebullition of unaccountable prejudice and ingratitude) 
appeared, with all the little tricks imaginable, to con- 
found it. It had for all this been carried, had not 
some of the council been inconveniently called off and 
absent But now the whole affair of the college was 
left unto the manageinent of the Earl of Bellamont, 
so that all expectation of a voyage for my father 
unto England, on any such occasion, is utterly at an 
end."i 

During all these years the legislature had been 
steadily passing resolutions requiring the president to 
go into residence ; and in 1698 they went so far as to 
vote him the liberal salary, for that age, of two hun- 
dred pounds, and appointed a committee to wait upon 
him. Judge Sewall describes the interview : — 

" Mr. President expostulated with Mr. Speaker 
. . . about the votes being altered from 250-[,£. ?]." 
..." We urg'd his going all we could ; I told him 
of his birth and education here ; that he look'd at 
work rather than wages, all met in desiring him. . . . 
Objected want of a house, bill for corporation not 
pass'd . . . must needs preach once every week, which 
he preferred before the gold and silver of the West- 
Indies. I told him would preach twice aday to the 
students. He said that [exposition] was nothing like 
preaching." 2 And in this the patriarch spoke the 
truth ; for if there was anything he loved more than 

1 History of Harvard, i. 484-486, App. x. 

2 Sewall's Diary. Mass. Hist. Coll. fifth series, v. 487. 



272 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

money it was the incense of adulation which steamed 
up to his nostrils from a great congregation. Of 
course he declined; and yet this importunity pained 
the good man, not because there was any conflict in 
his mind between his duty to a cause he held sacred 
and his own interest, but because it was " a thing con- 
trary to the faith marvellously wrought into my soul, 
that God will give me an opportunity to serve and 
glorify Christ in England, I set the day apart to cry 
to heaven about it." ^ 

There were limits, however, even to the patience of 
the Massachusetts Assembly with an orthodox divine ; 
and no sooner was the question of the agency decided 
by the aj)pointment of Bellomont, than it addressed 
itself resolutely to the seemingly hopeless task of for- 
cing Dr. Mather to settle in Cambridge or resign his 
office. On the 10th of July, 1700, they voted him 
two hundred and twenty pounds a year, and they 
appointed a committee to obtain from him a categori- 
cal answer. This time he thought it prudent to feign 
compliance ; and after a " suitable place . . . for the 
reception and entertainment of the president " had 
been prepared at the public expense, he moved out of 
town and stayed till the 17th of October, when he 
went back to Boston, and wrote to tell Stoughton his 
health was suffering. His disingenuousness seems to 
have given Leverett the opportunity for which he had 
been waiting ; and his acting as chairman of a com- 
mittee appointed by the representatives suggests his 
1 History of Harvard, vi. 481, App. ix. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 273 

having forced the issue ; it was resolved that, should 
Mr. Mather be absent from the college, his duties 
should devolve upon Samuel Willard, the vice-pres- 
ident ; ^ and in March the committee apparently re- 
ported the president's house to be in good condition. 
Stimulated by this hint, the doctor went back to Cam- 
bridge and stayed a Httle more than three months, 
when he wrote a characteristic note to Stoughton, who 
was acting governor. " I promised the last General 
Court to take care of the college until the Commence- 
ment. Accordingly I have been residing in Cam- 
bridge these three months. I am determined (if the 
Lord will) to return to Boston the next week, and no 
more return to reside in Cambridge ; for it is not rea- 
sonable to desire me to be (as, out of respect to the 
public interest, I have been six months within this 
twelve) any longer absent from my family. ... I 
do therefore earnestly desire, that the General Court 
would . . . think of another president. ... It would 
be fatal to the interest of religion, if a person disaf- 
fected to the order of the Gospel, professed and prac- 
tised in these churches, should preside over this soci- 
ety. I know the General Assembly, out of their 
regard to the interest of Christ, will take care to pre- 
vent it." ' Yet though he himself begged the legisla- 
ture to select his successor, in his inordinate vanity 
he did not dream of being taken at his word ; so 
when he was invited to meet both houses in the coun- 

^ History of Harvard, i. Ill ; Court Rec. vii. 172, 175. 
' History of Harvard, i. 501, App. xvii. 



274 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

cil chamDer he explained with perfect cheerfuhiess 
how " he was now removed from Cambridge to Bos- 
ton, and . • . did not think fitt to continue his resi- 
dence there, . . • but, if the court thought fit to 
desire he should continue his care of the colledge as 
formerly, he would do so." ^ 

Increase Mather delighted to blazon himself as 
Christ's foremost champion in the land. He pre- 
dicted, and with reason, that should those who had 
been already designated succeed him at Harvard, it 
would be fatal to that cause to which his life was 
vowed. The alternative was presented of serving 
himself or God, and to him it seemed unreasonable 
of his friends to expect of him a choice. And yet 
when, as was his wont, he would describe himself 
from the pulpit, as a refulgent beacon blazing before 
New England, he would use such words as these: 
" Every . . . one of a publick spirit . . . will deny 
himself as to his worldly interests, provided he may 
thereby promove the welfare of his people. . . . He 
will not only deny himself, but if called thereto, will 
encounter the greatest difficidties and dangers for the 
publicks sake." ^ 

The man had presumed too far; the v/orld was 
wearying of him. On September 6, 1701, the gov- 
ernment was transferred to Samuel V/illard, the vice- 
president, and Harvard was lost forever,^ 

^ Court Records, \'ii. 229. 

2 Sermon, The Publick Spirited Man, pp. 7, 9. 

8 History of Harvard, i. IIG. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 275 

No education is so baleful as the ecclesiastical, be- 
cause it breeds the belief in men that resistance to 
their will is not only a wrong to their country and 
themselves, but a sacrilege toward God. The Ma- 
thers were now to give an illustration of the degree to 
which the theocratic ti-aining debauched the mind ; 
and it is only necessary to observe that Samuel Sew- 
aU, who tells the story, was educated for the ministry, 
and was pei'haps as staunch a conservative as there 
was in the province. 

1701, " Oct^ 20. Mr. Cotton Mather came to Mr. 
Wilkins's shop, and there talked very sharply against 
me as if I had used his father worse than a neger ; 
spake so loud that people in the street might hear 
him. ... I had read in the morn Mr. Dod's saying ; 
Sanctified afflictions are good promotions. I found it 
now a cordial," 

" Oct^ 9. I sent Mr. Increase Mather a hanch of 
very good venison ; I hope in that I did not treat him 
as a negro." 

"Octob^ 22. 1701. I, with Major Walley and 
Capt. Sam^ Checkly, speak with Mr. Cotton Mather 
at Mr. Wilkins's. ... I told him of his book of the 
Law of Kindness for the Tongue, whether this were 
correspondent with that. Whether correspondent 
with Christ's rule : 

" He said, having spoken to me before there was no 
need to speak to me again ; and so justified his revil- 
ing me behind my back. Charg'd the council with 
lying, hypocrisy, tricks, and I know not wliat all. I 



276 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 



ask'd him if it were done with that meekness as it 
should ; Answer'd, Yes. Charg'd the council in gen- 
eral, and then shew'd my share, which was my speech 
in council; viz. If Mr. Mather should goe to Cam- 
bridge again to reside there with a resolution not to 
read the Scriptures, and expound in the Hall: I fear 
the example of it will do more hurt than his going 
thither will doe good. This speech I owned. ... I 
ask'd him if I should supose he had done somthing 
amiss in his church as an officer ; whether it would 
be well for me to exclaim against him in the street 
for it." 

" Thorsday Oct? 23. Mr. Increase Mather said at 
Mr. Wilkins's, If I am a servant of Jesus Christ, 
some great judgment will fall on Capt. Sewall, or his 
family." ^ 

Had the patriarch been capable of a disinterested 
action, for the sake of those principles he professed to 
love, he would have stopped Willard's presidency, no 
matter at what personal cost, for he knew him to be 
no better than a liberal in disguise, and he had al- 
ready quarrelled bitterly with him in 1697 when he 
was trying to eject Leverett. Sewall noted on " NovF 
20. . . . Mr. Willard told me of the falling out be- 
tween the president and him about chusing fellows 
last Monday. Mr. Mather has sent him word, he will 
never come to his house more till he give him satisfac- 
tion." 2 But they had in reality separated years be- 

1 Sewall's Diary. Mass. Hist. Coll. fifth series, vi. 43-46. 

2 Mass. Hist. Coll. fifth series, v. 464. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 277 

fore ; for when, in the witchcraft terror, Willard was 
cried out upon, and had to look a shameful death in 
the face, he learned to feel that the men who were 
willing to risk their lives to save him were by no 
means public enemies. And so, as the vice-president 
lived in Boston, the administration of the college was 
left very much to Leverett and the Brattles, who were 
presently reinstated. 

Joseph Dudley was the son of that old governor 
who wrote the verses about the cockatrice to be 
hatched by toleration, yet he inherited very little of 
his father's disposition. He was bred for the minis- 
try, and as the career did not attract him, he turned to 
politics, in which he made a brilliant opening. At first 
he was the hope of the high churchmen, but they after- 
ward learned to hate him with a rancor exceptional 
even toward their enemies. And he gave them only 
too good a handle against him, for he was guilty of 
the error of selling himself without reserve to the An- 
dros government. At the Revolution he suffered a 
long imprisonment, and afterward went to England, 
where he passed most of William's reign. There his 
ability soon brought him forward, he was made lieu- 
tenant-governor of the Isle of Wight, was returned to 
Parliament, and at last appointed governor by Queen 
Anne. Though Massachusetts owes a deeper debt to 
few of her chief magistrates, there are few who have 
found scantier praise at the hands of her historians. 
He was, it is true, an unscrupulous politician and 
courtier, but his mind was broad and vigorous, his 



278 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

policy wise and liberal, and at the moment of his 
power his influence was of inestimable value. 

Among his other gifts, he was endowed with infi- 
nite tact, and when working for his office he managed 
not only to conciliate the Mathers, but even to induce 
the son to write a letter in his favor ; and so when he 
arrived in 1702 they were both sedulous in their at- 
tentions in the expectation of controlling him. A 
month had not passed, however, before this ominous 
entry was made in the younger's diary : — 

" June 16, 1702. I received a visit from Govern- 
our Dudley. ... I said to him ... I should be con- 
tent, I would approve it, . . . if any one should say 
to your excellency, ' By no means let any people have 
cause to say, that you take all your measures from the 
two Mr. Mathers.' By the same rule I may say with- 
out offence, ' By no means let any people say, that you 
go by no measures in your conduct, but Mr. Byfield's 
and Mr. Leverett's.' . . . The wretch went unto 
those men and told them, that I had advised him to 
be no ways advised by them ; and inflamed them into 
an implacable rage against me." ' 

Leverett, on the contrary, now reached his zenith ; 
from the house he passed into the council and became 
one of Dudley's most trusted advisers. The Mathers 
were no match for these two men, and few routs have 
been more disastrous than theirs. Lord Bellomont's 
sudden death had put an end to all hope of obtaining 
a charter by compromise with England, and no fur- 
1 Mass. Hist. Coll. first series, iii. 137. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 279 

ther actiou had been taken, when, on September 12, 
1707, Willard died. On the 28th of October the fel- 
lows met and chose John Leverett president of Har- 
vard College ; and then came a demonstration which 
proved not only Increase Mather's prescience, when 
he foretold how a liberal university would kill a dis- 
ciplined church, but which shows the mighty influence 
a devoted teacher can have upon his age. Thirty- 
nine ministers iaddressed Governor Dudley thus : — 

" We have lately, with great joy, understood the 
great and early care that our brethren, who have the 
present care and oversight of the college at Cam- 
bridge, have taken, ... by their unanimous choice 
of Mr. John Leverett, ... to be the president . . . 
Your Excellency personally knows Mr. Leverett so 
well, that we shaU say the less of him. However, we 
cannot but give this testimony of our great affection 
to and esteem for him ; that we are abundantly satis- 
fied ... of his religion, learning, and other excellent 
accomplishments for that eminent service, a long ex- 
perience of which we had while he was senior fellow 
of that house ; for that, under the wise and faithful 
government of him, and the Rev. Mr. Brattle, of 
Cambridge, the greatest part of the now rising minis- 
try in New England were happily educated ; and we 
hope and promise ourselves, through the blessing of 
the God of our fathers, to see religion and learning 
thrive and flourish in that society, under Mr. Lever- 
ett's wise conduct and influence, as much as ever yet 
it hath done." ^ 

^ History of Harvard, i. 504, App. xx. 



280 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

His salary was only one hundred and fifty pounds 
a year ; but the man worked for love of a great cause, 
and did not stop to haggle. Nor were he and Dud- 
ley of the temper to leave a task half done. Un- 
doubtedly at the governor's instigation, a resolve was 
introduced into the Assembly reviving the Act of 1650 
by which the university had been incorporated, and it 
is by the sanction of this lawless and masterly feat of 
statesmanship that Harvard has been administered for 
almost two hundred years. 

Sewall tells how Dudley went out in state to inau- 
gurate his friend. " The gov' prepar'd a Latin speech 
for instalment of the president. Then took the presi- 
dent by the hand and led him down into the hall ; . . . 
The gov'' sat with his back against a noble fire. . . . 
Then the gov' read his speech . . . and mov'd the 
books in token of their delivery. Then president 
made a short Latin speech, importing the difficulties 
discouraging, and yet that he did accept : . . . Clos'd 
with the hymn to the Trinity. Had a very good diner 
upon 3 or 4 tables. . . . Got home very well. Laus 
Deor 1 

Nor did Dudley fail to provide the new executive 
with fit support. By the old law he had revived the 
corporation was reduced to seven ; of this board Lev- 
erett himself was one, and on the day he took his office 
both the Brattles and Peraberton were also appointed. 
And more than this, when, a few years later, Pem- 
berton died, the arch-rebel, Benjamin Colman, was 

1 Mass. Hist. Coll. fifth series, vi. 209. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 281 

chosen in his place. The liberal triumph was complete, 
and in looking back through the vista of the past, 
there are few pages of our history more strongly 
stamped with the native energy of the New England 
mind than this brilliant caj)ture of Harvard, by which 
the ancient cradle of bigotry and superstition was 
made the home of American liberal thought. As for 
the Mathers, when they found themselves beaten in 
fair fight, they conceived a revenge so dastardly that 
Pemberton declared with much emotion he would hum- 
ble them, were he governor, though it cost him his 
head. Being unable longer to withstand Dudley by 
honorable means, they tried to blast him by charging 
him with felony. Their letters are too long to be 
reproduced in full ; but their purport may be guessed 
by the extracts given, and to this day they remain 
choice gems of theocratic morality. 

Sir, That I have had a singular respect for you, the 
Lord knows ; but that since your arrival to the gov- 
ernment, my charitable expectations have been greatly 
disappointed, I may not deny. . . . 

1st. I am afraid you cannot clear yourself from the 
guilt of bribery and unrighteousness. . . . 

2d. I am afraid that yoii have not been true to the 
interest of your country, as God (considering his mar- 
vellous dispensations towards you) and his people 
have expected from you. . . . 

3d. I am afraid that you cannot clear yourself from 
the guilt of much hypocrisy and falseness in the affair 
of the colle":e. . . . 



282 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

4th. I am afraid that the guilt of innocent blood is 
still crying in the ears of the Lord against you. I 
mean the blood of Leister and Milburn. My Lord 
Bellamont said to me, that he was one of the commit- 
tee of Parliament who examined the matter ; and that 
those men were not only murdered, but barbarously 
murdered. . . . 

5th. I am afraid that the Lord is offended with you, 
in that you ordinarily forsake the worship of God in 
the holy church to which you are related, in the after- 
noon on the Lord's day, and after the publick exercise, 
spend the whole time with some persons reputed very 
ungodly men. I am sure your father did not so. . . . 
Would you choose to be with them or such as they are 
in another world, unto which you are hastening? . . . 
I am under pressures of conscience to bear a publick 
testimony without respect of persons. ... I trust in 
Christ that when I am gone, I shall obtain a good 
report of my having been faithful before him. To his 
mercy I commend you, and remain in him. 
Yours to serve, 

I. Mather.1 

Boston, January 20, 1707-8. 
To the Governour. 

Boston, Jan. 20, 1707-8. 

Sir, There have appeared such things in your 

conduct, that a just concern for the welfare of your 

excellency seems to render it necessary, that you 

should be faithfully advised of them. . . . You will 

^ Mass. Hist, Coll. first series, iii. 126. 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 283 

give me leave to write nothing, but in a style, whereof 
an ignorant mob, to whom (as well as the General 
Assembly) you think fit to communicate what frag- 
ments you please of my letters, must be compeUnt 
judges. I must proceed accordingly. ... I weakly 
believed that the wicked and horrid things done be- 
fore the righteous Revolution, had been heartily re- 
pented of ; and that the rueful business at New York, 
which many illustrious persons . . . called a barbarous 
murder, . . . had been considered with such a repent- 
ance, as might save you and your family from any fur- 
ther storms of heaven for the revenging of it. . . . Sir, 
your snare has been that thing, the hatred whereof is 
most expressly required of the ruler^ namely COVET- 
OUSNESS. When a governour shall make his govern- 
ment more an engine to enrich himself, than to be- 
friend his country., and shall by the unhallowed hun- 
ger of riches be prevailed withal to do many wrong, 
base, dishonourable things ; it is a covetousness which 
will shut out from the kingdom of heaven ; and some- 
times the loss of a government on earth also is the 
punishment of it. . . . The main channel of that cov- 
etousness has been the reign of bribery, which you, 
sir, have set up in the land, where it was hardly 
known, tUl you brought it in fashion. . . . And there 
lie affidavits before the queen and council, which affirm 
that you have been guilty of it in very many instances. 
I do also know that you have. . . . 

Sir, you are sensible that there is a judgment to 
come, wherein the glorious Lord will demand, how far 



284 HARVARD COLLEGE. 

you aimed at serving him in your government ; . . . how 
far you did in your government encourage those that 
had most of his image \apon them, or place your eyes 
on the wicked of the land. Your age and health, as 
well as other circumstances, greatly invite you, sir, to 
entertain awful thoughts of this matter, and solicit 
the divine mercy through the only sacrifice. . . . Yet 
if the troubles you brought on yourself should pro- 
cure yoiir abdication and recess unto a more private 
condition, and your present parasites forsake you, as 
you may be sure they will, I should think it my duty 
to do you all the good offices imaginable. 

Finally, I can forgive and forget injuries; and I 
hope I am somewhat ready for sunset ; the more for 
having discharged the duty of this letter. . . . 
Your humble and faithful servant, 

Cotton Mather.^ 

But these venomous priests had tried their fangs 
upon a resolute and an able man. Dudley shook 
them off like vermin. 

Gentlemen, Yours of the 20th instant I received ; 
and the contents, both as to the matter and manner, 
astonish me to the last degree. I must think you 
have extremely forgot your own station, as well as my 
character ; otherwise it had been impossible to have 
made such an open breach upon all the laws of de- 
cency, honour, justice, and Christianity, as you have 
1 Mass. HisL Coll. first series, iiL 12a 



HARVARD COLLEGE. 285 

done in treating me with an air of superiority and 
contempt, which would have been greatly culpable 
towards a Christian of the lowest order, and is insuf- 
ferably rude toward one whom divine Providence has 
honoured with the character of your governour. . . . 

Why, gentlemen, have you been so long silent? and 
suffered sin to lie upon me years after years? You 
cannot pretend any new information as to the main 
of your charge ; for you have privately given your 
tongues a loose upon these heads, I am well assured, 
when you thought you could serve yourselves by ex- 
posing me. Surely murder, robberies, and other such 
flaming immoralities were as reprovable then as 
now. . . . 

Really, gentlemen, conscience and religion are 
things too solemn, venerable, or sacred, to be played 
with, or made a covering for actions so disagreeable to 
the gospel, as these your endeavours to expose me 
and my most faithful services to contempt ; nay, to 
unhinge the government. . . . 

I desire you will keep your station, and let fifty or 
sixty good ministers, your equals in the province, have 
a share in the government of the college, and advise 
thereabouts as well as yourselves, and I hope all will 
be well. ... 

I am your humble servant, 

J. Dudley. 
To the Reverend Doctors Mathers.^ 

^ Mass. Hist. Coll. first series, ill. 135. 



CHAPTER X. 

THE LAWYERS. 

In the age of sacred caste the priest is likewise the 
law-maker and the judge, and as succeeding genera- 
tions of ecclesiastics slowly spin the intricate web of 
their ceremonial code, they fail not to teach the peo- 
ple that their holy ordinances were received of yore 
from divine lips by some great prophet. This process 
is beautifully exemplified in the Old Testament : 
though the complicated ritualism of Leviticus was 
always reverently attributed to Moses, it was evi- 
dently the work of a much later period ; for the pres- 
ent purpose, however, its date is immaterial, it suf- 
fices to follow the account the scribes thought fit to 
give in Kings. 

Long after the time of Solomon, Josiah one day 
sent to inquire about some repairs then being made 
at the Temple, when suddenly, " Hilkiah the high 
priest said unto Shaphan the scribe, I have found the 
book of the law in the house of the Lord." And he 
gave the book to Shaphan. 

"And it came to pass, when the king had heard the 
words of the book ... he rent his clothes." And he 
was greatly alarmed for fear of the wrath of the Lord, 
because their fathers had not hearkened unto the 



THE LAWYERS. 287 

words of this book ; as indeed it was impossible they 
should, since they knew nothing about it. So, to find 
out what was best to be done, he sent Hilkiah and 
others to Huldah the prophetess, who told them that 
the wrath of the Lord was indeed kindled, and he 
would bring evil unto the land ; but, because Josiah's 
heart had been tender, and he had humbled himself, 
and rent his clothes, and wept when he had heard 
what was spoken, he should be gathered into his grave 
in peace, and his eyes should not see the evil.^ 

Such is an example of the process whereby a com- 
pilation of canonical statutes is brought into practical 
operation by adroitly working upon the superstitious 
fears of the civil magistrate ; at an earlier period the 
priests administer justice in person. 

Eli judged Israel forty years, and Samuel went on 
circuit all the days of his life ; " and he went from 
year to year in circuit to Bethel, and Gilgal, and 
Mizpeh, and judged Israel in all those places." ^ But, 
sooner or later, the time must come when a soldier is 
absolutely necessary, both to fight foreign enemies 
and to enforce obedience at home ; and then some 
chief is set up whom the clergy think they can con- 
trol : thus Samuel anointed Saul to be captain over 
the Lord's inheritance.^ So long as the king is sub- 
missive to authority all goes well, but any insubordi- 
nation is promptly punished ; and this was the fate of 
Saul. On one occasion, when he was in difficulty and 
Samuel happened to be away, he was so rash as to 

1 2 Kings xxii. ^ 1 Samuel iv., vii. ^ 1 Samuel x. 



288 THE LAWYERS. 

sacrifice a burnt offering himself ; his presumption 
offended the prophet, who forthwith declared that his 
kingrdom should not continue.^ After this the rela- 
tions between them went from bad to worse, and it 
was not long before the priest began to intrigue with 
David, whom he presently anointed.^ The end of it 
was that Saul was defeated in battle, as Samuel's 
ghost foretold, for not obeying " the voice of the 
Lord ; " and after a struggle between the houses of 
Saul and David, all the elders of Israel went to 
Hebron, where David made a league with them, and 
in return they anointed him king.^ 

Thenceforward, or from the moment when a layman 
assumed control of the temporal power, the Jewish 
chronicles teem with the sins and the disasters of those 
rulers who did not walk in the way of their fathers, 
or who, in other words, were restive under ecclesiasti- 
cal dictation. 

So long as this period lasts, during which the sov- 
ereign is forced to obey the behests of the priesthood, 
an arbitrary despotism is inevitable ; nor can the 
foundation of equal justice and civil liberty be laid 
until first the military, and then the legal profession, 
has become distinct and emancipated from clerical 
control, and jurisprudence has grown into the recog- 
nized calling of a special class. 

These phenomena tend to explain the peculiar and 
original direction taken by legal thought in Massa- 
chusetts, for they throw light upon the influences un- 

1 1 Samuel xiii. ^ j^gm, xvi. ^ 2 Samuel v. 



THE LAWYERS. 289 

der which her first generation of lawyers grew up, 
whose destiny it was to impress upon her institutions 
the form they have ever since retained. 

The traditions inherited from the theocracy were 
vicious in the extreme. For ten years after the settle- 
ment the clergy and their aristocratic allies stubbornly 
refused either to recognize the common law or to en- 
act a code ; and when at length further resistance to 
the demands of the freemen was impossible, the Rev. 
Nathaniel Ward drew up " The Body of Liberties," 
which, though it perhaps sufficiently defined civil obli- 
gations, contained this extraordinary provision con- 
cerning crimes : — 

"No mans life shall be taken away, no mans 
honour or good name shall be stajTied, no mans per- 
son shall be arested, restrayned, banished, dismem- 
bred, nor any wayes punished, . . . unlesse it be by 
virtue or equitie of some expresse law of the country 
waranting the same, ... or in case of the defect of 
a law in any parteculer case by the word of God. 
And in capitall cases, or in cases concerning dismem- 
bring or banishment according to that word to be 
judged by the Generall Coui't." ^ 

The whole of the subtle policy, whereof this legis- 
lation forms a part, well repays attentive study. The 
relation of the church to the state was not unlike that 
of Samuel toward Saul, for no public man could with- 
stand its attack, as was demonstrated by the fate of 
Vane. Much of the story has been told already in 
* Mass. Hist. Coll. third series, viii. 21G. 



290 THE LAWYERS. 

describing the process whereby the clergy acquired a 
substantial ascendency over the executive and legisla- 
ture, through their command of the constituencies, 
which it was the labor of their lives to fill with loyal 
retainers. Nothing therefore remains to be done but 
to trace the means they employed to invest their order 
with judicial attributes. 

From the outset lawyers were excluded from prac- 
tice, so the magistrates were nothing but common 
politicians who were nominated by the priests ; thus 
the bench was not only filled with trusty partisans 
without professional training or instincts, but also, 
as they were elected annually, they were practically 
removable at pleasure should they by any chance 
rebel. Upon these points there is abundant evidence : 
" The government was first by way of charter, which 
was chiefly managed by the preachers, who by their 
power with the people made all the magistrates & 
kept them so intirely under obedience, that they durst 
not act without them. Soe that whensoever anything 
strange or unusuall was brought before them, they 
would not determine the matter without consulting 
the preachers, for should any bee soe sturdy as to pre- 
sume to act of himself without takeing advice & di- 
rections, he might bee sure of it, his magistracy ended 
with the year. He could bee noe magistrate for them, 
that was not approved and recommended from the 
pulpit, & he could expect little recommendation who 
was not the preacher's most humble servant. Soe 
they who treated, caressed & presented the preachers 



THE LAWYERS. 291 

most, were the rulers & magistrates among the peo- 
ple." 1 

From the decisions of such a judiciary the only- 
appeal lay to a popular assembly, which could always 
be manipulated. Obviously, ecclesiastical supervision 
over the ordinary course of litigation was amply pro- 
vided for. The adjudication of the more important 
controversies was reserved; for it was expressly en- 
acted that doubtful questions and the higher crimes 
should be judged according to the Word of God. 
This master-stroke resembled Hilkiah's when he im- 
posed his book on Josiah; for on no point of disci- 
pline were the ministers so emphatic as on the sacred 
and absolute nature of their prerogative to interpret 
the Scriptures ; nor did they fail to impress upon the 
people that it was a sin akin to sacrilege for the laity 
to dispute their exposition of the Bible. 

The deduction to be drawn from these premises is 
plain. The assembled elders, acting in their advisory 
capacity, constituted a supreme tribunal of last resort, 
wholly superior to carnal precedent, and capable of 
evolving whatsoever decrees they deemed expedient 
from the depths of their consciousness.^ The result 
exemplifies the precision with which a cause operating 
upon the human mind is followed by its consequence ; 
and the action of this resistless force is painfully 
apparent in every state prosecution under the Puri- 

^ An Account of the Colonies, etc., Lambeth MSS. Perry's 
Historical Collections, iii. 48. 

^ See Gorton's case, Winthrop, ii. 146. 



292 THE LAWYERS. 

tan Commouwealth, from Wheelwright's to Margaret 
Brewster's. The absorption of sacerdotal, political, 
and juridical functions by a single class produces an 
arbitrary despotism ; and before judges greedy of 
earthly dominion, flushed by the sense of power, unre- 
strained by rules of law or evidence, and unopposed 
by a resolute and courageous bar, trials must become 
little more than conventional forms, precursors of pre- 
determined punishments. 

After a period of about half a century these social 
conditions underwent radical change, but traditions 
remained that deeply affected the subsequent devel- 
opment of the people, and produced a marked bent of 
thought in the lawyers who afterward wrote the Con- 
stitution. 

At the accession of William III. great progress had 
been made in the science of colonial government; 
charters had been granted to Connecticut and Rhode 
Island in 1662 and 1663, which, except in the survival 
of the ancient and meaningless jargon of incorpora- 
tion, had a decidedly modern form. By these regular 
local representative governments were established with 
full power of legislation, save in so far as limited by 
clauses requiring conformity with the law of England ; 
and they served their purpose well, for both were kept 
in force many years after the Revolution, Rhode Isl- 
and's not having been superseded until 1843. 

The stubborn selfishness of the theocracy led to the 
adoption of a less liberal policy toward Massachusetts. 
The nomination of the executive officers was retained 



THE LAWYERS. 293 

by the crown, and the governor was given very sub- 
stantial means of maintaining his authority ; he could 
reject the councillors elected by the Assembly ; he ap- 
pointed the judges and sheriffs with the advice of this 
body, whose composition he could thus in a measure 
control ; he had a veto, and was commander-in-chief. 
Appeals to the king in council were also provided 
for in personal actions where the matter in difference 
exceeded three hundred pounds. 

On the other hand, the legislature made all appro- 
priations, including those for the salaries of the gov- 
ernor and judges, and was only limited in its capacity 
to enact statutes by the clause invariably inserted in 
these patents. 

This, therefore, is the precise moment when the 
modern theory of constitutional limitations first ap- 
pears defined ; distinct from the ancient corporate 
precedents. By a combination of circumstances also, 
a sufficient sanction for the written law happened to 
be provided, thus making the conception complete, 
for the tribunal of last resort was an English court 
sustained by ample physical force ; nevertheless the 
great pi-inciple of coordinate departments of govern- 
ment was not yet understood, and substantial relief 
against legislative usurpation had to be sought in a 
foreign jurisdiction. To lawyers of our own time it 
is self-evident that the restrictions of an organic code 
must be futile unless they are upheld by a judiciary 
not only secure in tenure and pay, but removed as far 
as may be from partisan passions. This truth, how- 



294 THE LAWYERS. 

ever, remained to be discovered amid the abuses of 
the eighteenth century, for the position of the pro- 
vincial bench was unsatisfactory in the last degree. 
The justices held their commissions at the king's 
pleasure, but their salaries were at the mercy of the 
deputies ; they were therefore subject to the caprice 
of antagonistic masters. Nor was this the worst, for 
the charter did not isolate the judicial office. Under 
the theocracy the policy of the clergy had been to sup- 
press the study of law in order to concentrate their 
own power ; hence no training was thought necessary 
for the magistrate, no politician was considered in- 
competent to fill the judgment-seat because of igno- 
rance of his duty, and the office-hunter, having got 
his place by influence, was deemed at liberty to 
use it as a point of vantage, from whence to prose- 
cute his chosen career. For example, the first chief 
justice was Stoughton, who was appointed by Phips, 
probably at the instigation of Increase Mather. As 
he was bred for the church, he could have had no 
knowledge to recommend him, and his peculiar quali- 
fications were doubtless family connections and a nar- 
row and bigoted mind; he was also lieutenant-gov- 
ernor, a member of the coimcil, and part of the time 
commander-in-chief. 

Thomas Danforth was the senior associate, who is 
described by Sewall as " a very good husbandman, 
and a very good Christian, and a good councillor ; " 
but his reputation as a jurist rested upon a spotless 
record, he having been the most uncompromising of 
the high church managers. 



THE LAWYERS. 295 

Wait Winthrop was a doctor, and was not only in 
the council, but so active in public life that years 
afterward, while on the bench, he was set up as a can- 
didate for governor in opposition to Dudley. 

John Richards was a merchant, who had been sent 
to England as agent in 1681, just when the troubles 
came to a crisis ; but the labors by which he won the 
ermine seem plain enough, for he was bail for Increase 
Mather when sued by Randolph, and was appointed 
by Phips. Samuel Sewall was brought up to preach, 
took to politics on the conservative side, and was reg- 
ularly chosen to the council. 

This motley crew, who formed the first superior 
court, had but one trait in common : they belonged to 
the clique who controlled the patronage ; and as it be- 
gan so it continued to the end, for Hutchinson, the 
last chief justice but one, was a merchant ; yet he was 
also probate judge, lieutenant-governor, councillor, and 
leader of the Tories. In so intelligent a community 
such prostitution of the judicial office would have been 
impossible but for the pernicious tradition that the 
civil magistrate needed no special training to perform 
his duty, and was to take his law from those who ex- 
pounded the Word of God. 

And there was another inheritance, if possible, more 
baleful still. The legislature, under the Puritan 
Commonwealth, had been the court of last resort, and 
it was by no means forward to abandon its preroga- 
tive. It was consequently always ready to listen to 
the complaints of suitors who thought themselves 



296 THE LAWYERS. 

aggrieved by the decisions of the regidar tribunals, 
and it was fond of altering the course of justice 
to make it conform to what the members were 
pleased to call equity. This abuse finally took such 
proportions that Hutchinson remonstrated vigorously 
in a speech to the houses in 1772. 

" Much time is usually spent ... in considering 
petitions for new trials at law, for leave to sell the 
real estates of persons deceased, by their executors, 
or administrators, and the real estates of minors, by 
their guardians. All such private business is prop- 
erly cognizable by the established judicatories. . . . 
A legislative body ... is extremely improper for 
such decisions. The polity of the English govern- 
ment seldom admits of the exercise of this executive 
and judiciary power by the legislature, and I know of 
nothing special in the government of this province, to 
give comitenance to it." ^ 

The disposition to interfere in what did not con- 
cern them was probably aggravated by the presence 
of judicial politicians in the popular assemblies, who 
seem to have been unable to resist the temptation of 
intriguing to procure legislation to affect the litigation 
before them. But the simplest way to illustrate the 
working of the system in aU its bearings will be to 
give a history of a celebrated case finally taken on ap- 
peal to the Privy Council. The cause arose in Con- 
necticut, it is true, but the social condition of the two 
colonies was so similar as to make this circumstance 
immaterial. 

1 Mass. State Papers, 1765-1775, p. 314. 



THE LAWYERS. 297 

Wait Winthrop,^ grandson of the first John Win- 
throp, died intestate in 1717, leaving two children, 
John, of New London, and Anne, wife of Thomas 
Lechmere, of Boston. The father intended his son 
should take the land according to the family tradi- 
tion, and in pursuance of this purpose he put him in 
actual possession of the Connecticut property in 1711 ; 
but he neglected to make a will. 

By the common law of England real estate de- 
scended to the eldest son of him who was last seised ; 
but in 1699 the Assembly had passed a statute of dis- 
tribution, copied from a Massachusetts act, which 
directed the probate court, after payment of debts, 
to make a " distribution of . . . all the residue . . . 
of the real and personal estate by equal portions to 
and among the children . . . except the eldest son 
. . . who shall have two shares." 

Here, then, at the threshold, the constitutional 
question had to be met, as to whether the colonial en- 
actment was not in conflict with the restriction in the 
charter, and therefore void. Winthrop took out let- 
ters of administration, and Lechmere became one of 
the sureties on his bond. There was no disagree- 
ment about the personalty, but the son's claim to the 
land was disputed, though suit was not brought against 
him till 1723. 

The litigation began in Boston, but was soon trans- 
ferred to New London, where, in July, 1724, Lech- 

* This report of Winthrop v. Lechmere is taken from a MS. 
brief in the possession of Hon. R. C. Winthrop. 



298 THE LAWYERS. 

mere petitioned for an account. Winthrop forthwith 
exhibited an inventory of the chattels, and moved that 
it should be accepted as final ; but the judge of pro- 
bate declined so to rule. Then Lechmere prayed for 
leave to sue on the bond in the name of the judge. 
His prayer was granted, and he presently began no 
less than six actions in different forms. 

Much time was consumed in disposing of technical- 
ities, but at length two test cases were brought before 
the superior court. One, being in substance an action 
on the bond, was tried on the general issue, and 
the verdict was for the defendant. The other was a 
writ of partition, wherein Anne was described as co- 
heir with her brother. It was argued on demurrer to 
the declaration, and the defendant again prevailed. 

Thus, so far as judicial decision could determine 
private rights to property, Winthrop had established 
his title ; but he represented the unpopular side in the 
controversy, and his troubles were just beginning. 
Christopher Christophers was the judge of probate, he 
was also a justice of the superior court, and a member 
of the Assembly, of which body the plaintiff's coimsel 
was speaker. In April, 1725, when Lechmere had 
finally exhausted his legal remedies, he addressed a 
petition to the legislature, where he had this strong 
support, and which was not to meet till May, stating 
the impossibility of obtaining relief by ordinary means, 
and asking to have one of the judgments set aside 
and a new trial ordered, in such form as to enable him 
to maintain his writ of partition, notwithstanding the 



THE LAWYERS. 299 

solemn decision against him by the court of last resort. 
The defendant in vain protested that no error was 
alleged, no new evidence produced, nor any matter of 
equity advanced which might justify interference : the 
Assembly had determined to sustain the statute of 
distributions, and it accordingly resolved that in cases 
of this description relief ought to be given in probate 
by means of a new grant of administration, to be ex- 
ecuted according to the terms of the act. 

Winthrop was much alarmed, and with reason, for 
he saw at once the intention of the legislature was to 
induce the judges to assume an unprecedented juris- 
diction; he therefore again offered his account, which 
Christophers rejected, and he appealed from the de- 
cision. Lechmere also applied for administration on 
behalf of his wife ; and upon his prayer being denied, 
pending a final disposition of Winthrop's cause, he too 
went up. In March, 1725-6, final judgment was ren- 
dered, the judges holding that both real and personal 
property should be inventoried. Winthrop thereupon 
entered his appeal to the Privy Council, whose juris- 
diction was peremptorily denied. 

From what afterward took place, the inference is 
that Christophers shrank from assuming alone so great 
a responsibility as now devolved upon him, and per- 
suaded his brethren to share it with him ; for the 
superior court proceeded to issue letters of administra- 
tion to Lechmere, and took his bond, drawn to them- 
selves personally, for the faithful performance of his 
trust. This was a most high-handed usurpation, for 



800 THE LAWYERS. 

the function of the higher tribunal in these matters 
was altogether appellate, it having nothing to do with 
such executive business as taking bonds, which was 
the province of the judge of probate. 

However this may have been, progress was thence- 
forward rapid. In April Lechraere produced a sched- 
ule of debts, which have at this day a somewhat sus- 
picious look, and when they were allowed, he peti- 
tioned the legislature for leave to sell land to pay 
them. Winthrop appeared and presented a remon- 
strance, which " the Assembly, observing the common 
course of justice, and the law of the colony being by 
application to the said Assembly, when the judgments 
of the superior courts are grievous to any person . . . 
dismissed," and immediately passed an act authorizing 
the sale, and making the administrators' deed good to 
convey a title. 

Then Winthrop was so incautious as to make a final 
effort : he filed a protest and caution against any illegal 
interference with his pi'operty pending his appeal, de- 
claring the action already taken to be contrary to the 
common and statute law of England, and to the tenor 
of the charter. 

The Assembly being of the opinion that this protest 
*' had in it a great show of contempt," caused Win- 
throp to be arrested and brought to the bar ; there he 
not only defended his representations as reasonable, 
but avowed his determination to lay all these proceed- 
ings before the king in coxmcil. " This was treated as 
an insolent contemptuous and disorderly behaviour '* 



THE LAWYERS. 301 

in the prisoner, " as declaring himself coram non ju- 
dice, and putting himself on a par with them, and im- 
peaching their authoritys and the charter ; and his said 
protest was declared to be full of reflections, and to 
terrifie so far as in him lay all the authorities estab- 
lished by the charter." So they imprisoned him three 
days and fined him twenty pounds for his contemptu- 
ous words. 

This leading case was afterward elaborately argued 
in London, and judgment was entered for Winthrop, 
upon the ground that the statute of distribution was 
in conflict with the charter and therefore void ; but 
as Connecticut resolutely refused to abandon its own 
policy, the utmost confusion prevailed for seventeen 
years regarding the settlement of estates. During all 
this time the local government made unremitting ef- 
forts to obtain relief, and seems to have used pecuni- 
ary as well as legal arguments to effect its purpose ; at 
all events, it finally secured a majority in the Privy 
Council, who reversed Winthrop v. Lechmere,in Clark 
V. Tousey. The same question was raised in Massa- 
chusetts in 1737, in Phillips v. Savage, but enough in- 
fluence was brought to bear to prevent an adverse de- 
cision.^ A possible distinction between the two cases 
also lay in the fact that the Massachusetts act had re- 
ceived the royal assent. 

The history of this litigation is interesting, not only 
as illustrating the defects in provincial justice, but as 

1 Conn. Coll. Rec. vii, 191, note ; Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc. 
1860-62, pp. 64-80, 165-171. 



302 THE LAWYERS. 

showing the process by which the conception of con- 
stitutional limitations became rooted in the minds of 
the first generation of lawyers ; and in point of fact, 
they were so thoroughly impregnated with the theory 
as to incline to carry it to unwarrantable lengths. 
For example, so justly eminent a counsel as James 
Otis, in his great argument on the Writs of Assist- 
ance in 1761, solemnly maintained the utterly unten- 
able proposition that an act of Parliament " against 
the Constitution is void : an act against natural equity 
is void : and if an act of Parliament should be made, 
in the very words of this petition, it would be void." ^ 
While so sound a man, otherwise, as John Adams wrote, 
in 1776, to Mr. Justice Gushing: "You have my 
hearty concurrence in telling the jury the nullity of 
acts of Parliament. ... I am determined to die of 
that opinion, let the jus gladii say what it will." ^ 

On looking back at Massachusetts as she was in the 
year 1700, permeated with the evil theocratic tradi- 
tions, without judges, teachers, or books, the mind 
can hardly fail to be impressed with the unconquer- 
able energy which produced great jurists from such a 
soil ; and yet in 1725 Jeremiah Gridley graduated from 
Harvard, who may fairly be said to have been the 
progenitor of a famous race ; for long before the Rev- 
olution, men like Prat, Otis, and John Adams could 
well have held their own before any court of Common 
Law that ever sat. Such powerful counsel naturally 

^ Quincy's Reports, p. 474. 
« WorksofJ.Adama,VL.2QO. 



THE LAWYERS. 803 

felt a contempt for the ignorant politicians who for 
the most part presided over them, which they took 
little pains to hide. Ruggles one day had an aged 
female witness who could find no chair and com- 
plained to him of exhaustion. He told her to go and 
sit on the bench. His honor, in some irritation, call- 
ing him to account, he replied : "I really thought 
that place was made for old women." Hutchinson 
says of himself : " It was an eyesore to some of the 
bar to have a person at the head of the law who had 
not been bred to it." But he explains with perfect 
simplicity how his occupation as chief justice "en- 
gaged his attention, and he applied his intervals to 
reading the law." ^ 

The British supremacy closed with the evacuation 
of Boston, and the colony then became an independ- 
ent state ; yet in that singularly homogeneous com- 
munity, which had always been taught to regard their 
royal patents as the bulwark of their liberties, no one 
seems to have seriously thought it possible to dispense 
with a written instrument to serve as the basis of the 
social organization. Accordingly, in 1779, the legisla- 
ture called a convention to draft a Constitution ; and it 
was the good fortune of the lawyers, who were chosen 
as delegates, to have an opportunity, not only to cor- 
rect those abuses from which the administration of 
justice had so long suffered, but to carry into practical 
operation their favorite theory, of the limitation of 
legislative power by the intervention of the courts. 
1 Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson, p. 66. 



304 THE LAWYERS. 

The course pursued was precisely what might have 
been predicted of the representatives of a progressive 
yet sagacious people. Taking the old charter as the 
foundation whereon to build, they made only such al- 
terations as their past experience had shown them to 
be necessary; they adopted no fanciful schemes, nor 
did they lightly depart from a system with which they 
were acquainted; and their almost servile fidelity to 
their precedent,wherever it could be followed, is shown 
by the following extracts relating to the legislative 
and executive departments. 

CHARTEE. 

And we doe further for vs our heires and successors 
give and grant to the said governor and the Great and 
Generall Court or Assembly of our said province or 
territory for the time being full power and authority 
from time to time to make ordaine and establish all 
manner of wholsome and reasonable orders laws stat- 
utes and ordinances directions and instructions either 
with penalties or without (soe as the same be not re- 
pugnant or contrary to the lawes of this our realme of 
England) as they shall judge to be for the good and 
welfare of our said province or territory and for the 
gouernment and ordering thereof and of the people 
inhabiting or who shall inhabit the same and for the 
necessary support and defence of the government 
thereof. 



THE LAWYERS, 306 

CONSTITUTION. 

And further, full power and authority are hereby 
given and granted to the said General Court, from 
time to time, to make, ordain, and establish, all man-, 
ner of wholesome and reasonable orders, laws, statutes, 
and ordinances, directions and instructions, either with 
penalties or without ; so as the same be not repugnant 
or contrary to this constitution, as they shall judge to 
be for the good and welfare of this commonwealth, 
and for the government and ordering thereof, and of 
the subjects of the same, and for the necessary support 
and defence of the government thereof. 

CHARTER. 

The governour of our said province for the time be- 
ing shall have authority from time to time at his dis- 
cretion to assemble and call together the councillors or 
assistants of our said province for the time being and 
that the said governour with the said assistants or 
councillors or seaven of them at the least shall and 
may from time to time hold and keep a councill for 
the ordering and directing the affaires of our said 

province. 

CONSTITUTION. 

The governour shall have authority, from time to 
time at his discretion, to assemble and call together 
the councillors of this commonwealth for the time be- 
ing ; and the governour, with the said councillors, or 
five of them at least, shall, and may, from time to 



306 THE LAWYERS. 

time, hold and keep a council, for the ordering and 
directing the affairs of the commonwealth, agreeably 
to the constitution and the laws of the land. 

The clause concerning the council is curious as an 
instance of the survival of an antiquated form. In 
the province the body had a use, for it was a regular 
upper chamber ; but when, in 1779, a senate was 
added, it became an anomalous and meaningless third 
house ; yet it is still regularly elected, though its in- 
utility is obvious. So long ago as 1814 John Adams 
had become very tired of it ; he then wrote : " This 
constitution, which existed in my handwriting, made 
the governor annually elective, gave him the executive 
power, shackled with a council, that I now wish was 
annihilated." ^ 

On the other hand, the changes made are even more 
interesting, as an example of the evolution of institu- 
tions. The antique document was simplified by an 
orderly arrangement and division into sections ; the 
obsolete jargon of incorporation was eliminated, which 
had come down from the mediaeval guilds ; in the dis- 
pute with England the want of a bill of rights had 
been severely felt, so one was prefixed ; and then the 
convention, probably out of regard to symmetry, 
blotted their otherwise admirable work by creating 
an unnecessary senate. But viewed as a whole, the 
grand original conception contained in this instru- 
ment, making it loom up a landmark in histor}^ is the 
* Works of J. Adams, vi. 465. 



THE LAWYERS. 307 

theory of the three coordinate departments in the ad- 
ministration of a democratic commonwealth, which has 
ever since been received as the corner-stone of Amer- 
ican constitutional jurisprudence. 

Though this assertion may at first sight seem too 
sweeping, it is borne out by the facts. During the 
first sessions of the Continental Congress no question 
was more pressing than the reorganization of the col- 
onies should they renounce their allegiance to the 
crown, nor was there one in regard to which the ma- 
jority of the delegates were more at sea. From their 
peculiar education the New Englanders were excep- 
tions to the general rule, and John Adams in particu- 
lar had thought out the problem in all its details. 
His conversation so impressed some of his colleagues 
that he was asked to put his views in a popular form. 
His first attempt was a short letter to Richard Henry 
Lee, in November, 1775, in which he starts with this 
proposition as fundamental : " A legislative, an execu- 
tive, and a judicial power comprehend the whole of 
what is meant and understood by government. It is 
by balancing each of these powers against the other 
two, that the efforts in human nature towards tyranny 
can alone be checked and restrained, and any degree 
of freedom preserved in the constitution." ^ 

His next tract, written in 1776 at the request of 
Wythe of Virginia, was printed and widely circulated, 
and similar communications were sent in reply to ap- 
plications from New Jersey, North Carolina, and pos- 
* Works of J. Adams, iv. 186. 



308 THE LAWYERS. 

sibly other States. The effect of this discussion is ap- 
parent in all of the ten constitutions afterward drawn, 
with the exception of Pennsylvania's, which was a fail- 
ure ; but none of them passed beyond the tentative or 
embryonic stage. It therefore remained for Massa- 
chusetts to present the model, which in its main fea- 
tures has not yet been superseded. 

A first attempt was deservedly rejected by the peo- 
ple, and the work was not done until 1779; but the 
men who then met in convention at Cambridge knew 
precisely what they meant to do. Though the execu- 
tive and the legislature were a direct inheritance, need- 
ing but little change, a deep line was drawn between 
the three departments, and the theory of the cooi'di- 
nate judiciary was first brought to its maturity within 
the jurisdiction where it had been born. To attain 
this cherished object was the chief labor of the dele- 
gates, for to the supreme court was to be intrusted the 
dangerous task of grai>pling with the representative 
chambers and enforcing the popular charter. There- 
fore they made the tenure of the judges permanent; 
they secured their pay ; to obtain impartiality they ex- 
cluded them from political office ; while on the other 
hand they confined the legislature within its proper 
sphere, to the end that the government they created 
might be one of laws and not of men. 

The experiment has proved one of those memorable 
triumphs which mark an era. Not only has the great 
conception of New England been accepted as the fun- 
damental principle of the Federal Union, but it has 



THE LAWYERS. 309 

been adopted by every separate State ; and more than 
this, during the one hundred and six years since the 
people of our Commonwealth wrote their Constitution, 
they have had as large a measure of liberty and safety 
under the law as men have ever known on earth. 
There is no jurisdiction in the world where justice has 
been purer or more impartial ; nor, probably, has there 
ever been a community. of equal numbers, which has 
produced more numerous or more splendid specimens 
of juridical and forensic talent. 

When freed from the incubus of the ecclesiastical 
oligarchy the range of intellectual activity expanded, 
and in 1780 Massachusetts may be said, without ex- 
aggeration, to have led the liberal movement of the 
world ; for not only had she won almost in perfection 
the three chief prizes of modern civilization, liberty 
of speech, toleration, and equality before the law ; but 
she had succeeded in formulating those constitutional 
doctrines by which, during the nineteenth century, 
popular self-government has reached the highest ef- 
ficiency it has ever yet attained. 

A single example, however, must suffice to show 
what the rise of the class of lawyers had done for in- 
dividual security and liberty in that comparatively 
short interval of ninety years. 

Theocratic justice has been described ; the trials of 
Wheelwright, and of Anne Hutchinson, of Childe, of 
Holmes, and of Christison have been related; and also 
the horrors perpetrated before that ghastly tribunal 
of untrained bigots, which condemned the miserable 



310 THE LAWYERS. 

witches undefended and unheard.^ For the honor of 
our Commonwealth let the tale be told of a state pros- 
ecution after her bar was formed. 

In 1768 the British Ministry saw fit to occupy Bos- 
ton with a couple of regiments, a force large enough 
to irritate, but too small to overawe, the town. From 
the outset bad feeling prevailed between the citizens 
and the soldiers, but as the time went on the exasper- 
ation increased, and early in 1770 that intense passion 
began to glow which precedes the outbreak of civil 
war. Yet though there were daily brawls, no blood 
was shed until the night of the 5th of March, when a 
rabble gathered about the sentry at the custom-house 
in State Street. He became frightened and called 
for help, Captain Preston turned out the guard, the 
mob pelted them, and they fired on the j^eople with- 
out warning. A terrific outbreak was averted by a 
species of miracle, but the troops had to be with- 
drawn, and Preston and his men were surrendered 
and indicted for murder. 

John Adams, who was a liberal, heart and soul, had 
just come into leading practice. His young friend 

^ In England, throughout the eighteenth century, counsel were 
allowed to speak in criminal trials, in cases of treason and misde- 
meanor only. Nor is the conduct of Massachusetts in regard to 
witches peculiar. Parallel atrocities might probably be adduced 
from the history of every European nation, even though the pro- 
cedure of the courts were more regular than was that of the 
Commission of Phips. The relation of the priest to the sorcerer 
is a most interesting phenomenon of social development; but it 
would require a treatise by itself. 



THE LAWYERS. 311 

Josiah Quincy was even more deeply pledged to the 
popular cause. On the morning after the massacre, 
Preston, doubtless at Hutchinson's suggestion, sent 
Adams a guinea as a retaining fee, which, though it 
seemed his utter ruin to accept, he did not dream of 
refusing. What Quincy went through may be guessed 
from his correspondence with his father. 

Braintree, March 22, 1770. 

My Dear Son, I am under great affliction at 
hearing the bitterest reproaches uttered against you, 
for having become an advocate for those criminals 
who are charged with the murder of their fellow-citi- 
zens. Good God! Is it possible? I will not be- 
lieve it. 

Just before I returned home from Boston, I knew, 
indeed, that on the day those criminals were commit- 
ted to prison, a sergeant had inquired for you at your 
brother's house ; but I had no apprehension that it 
was possible an application would be made to you to 
undertake their defence. Since then I have been told 
that you have actually engaged for Captain Preston ; 
and I have heard the severest reflections made upon 
the occasion, by men who had just before manifested 
the highest esteem for you, as one destined to be a 
saviour of your country. I must own to you, it has 
filled the bosom of your aged and infirm parent with 
anxiety and distress, lest it should not only prove 
true, but destructive of your reputation and interest ; 



312 THE LAWYERS. 

and I repeat, I will not believe it, unless it be con- 
firmed by your own mouth, or under your own hand. 
Your anxious and distressed parent, 

JosiAH QuiNCY. 

Boston, March 26, 1770. 

Honoured Sir, I have little leisure, and less in- 
clination, either to know or to take notice of those 
ignorant slanderers who have dared to utter their 
" bitter reproaches " in your hearing- against me, for 
having become an advocate for criminals charged with 
murder. . . . Before pouring their reproaches into 
the ear of the aged and infirm, if they had been 
friends, they would have surely spared a little reflec- 
tion on the nature of an attorney's oath and duty. . . . 

Let such be told, sir, that these criminals, charged 
with murder, are not yet legally proved guilty, and 
therefore, however criminal, are entitled, by the laws 
of God and raau, to all legal counsel and aid ; that 
my duty as a man obliged me to undertake ; that my 
duty as a lawyer strengthened the obligation. . . . 
This and much more might be told with great truth ; 
and I dare affirm that you and this whole people will 
one day rejoice that I became an advocate for the 
aforesaid "criminals," charged with the murder of 
our fellow-citizens. 

I never harboured the expectation, nor any great de- 
sire, that all men should speak well of me. To enquire 
my duty, and to do it, is my aim. . . . When a plan 
of conduct is formed with an honest deliberation, 



THE LAWYERS. 813 

neither murmuring, slander, nor reproaches move. . . . 
There are honest men in all sects, — I wish their ap- 
probation ; — there are wicked bigots in all parties, — • 
I abhor them. 

I am, truly and affectionately, your son, 

JOSIAH QUINCY, Jr.1 

Many of the most respected citizens asserted and 
believed that the soldiers had fired with premeditated 
malice, for the purpose of revenge ; and popular in- 
dignation was so deep and strong that even the judges 
were inclined to shrink. As Hutchinson was acting 
governor at the time, the chief responsibility fell on 
Benjamin Lynde, the senior associate, who was by 
good fortune tolerably competent. He was the son of 
the elder Lynde, who, with the exception of Paul 
Dudley, was the only provincial chief justice worthy 
to be called a lawyer. 

The juries were of course drawn from among those 
men who afterward fought at Lexington and Bunker 
Hill, and, like the presiding judge and the counsel, 
they sympathized with the Revolutionary cause. Yet 
the prisoners were patiently tried according to the law 
and the evidence ; aU that skill, learning, and courage 
could do for them was done, the court charged impar- 
tially, and the verdicts were. Not guilty. 

1 Memoir of Josiah Qaincy, Jr. pp. 20, 27. 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE REVOLUTION. 

Status appears to be that stage of civilization 
whence advancing communities emerge into the era 
of individual liberty. In its most perfect develop- 
ment it takes the form of caste, and the presumption 
is the movement toward caste begins upon the aban- 
donment of a wandering life, and varies in intensity 
with the environment and temperament of each race, 
the feebler sinking into a state of equilibrium, when 
change by spontaneous growth ceases to be percepti- 
ble. So long as the brain remains too feeble for sus- 
tained original thought, and man therefore lacks the 
energy to rebel against routine, this condition of ex- 
istence must continue, and its inevitable tendency is 
toward rigid distinctions of rank, and as a necessary 
consequence toward the limitation of the range of am- 
bition, by the conventional lines dividing the occupa- 
tions of the classes. Such at least in a general way 
was the progression of the Jews, and in a less marked 
degree of the barbarians who overran the Roman Em- 
pire. Yet even these, when they acquired permanent 
abodes, gravitated strongly enough toward caste to 
produce a social system based on monopoly and privi- 
lege which lasted through many centuries. On the 



I 



THE REVOLUTION. 315 

other hand, the democratic formula of " equality be- 
fore the law " best defines the modern conception of 
human relations, and tliis maxim indicates a tone of 
thouglit directly the converse of that which begot 
status; for whereas the one strove to raise impass- 
able barriers against free competition in the struggle 
for existence, the ideal of the other is to offer the 
fullest scope for the expansion of the faculties. 

As in Western Europe church and state alike rested 
upon the customs of the Middle Ages, a change so 
fundamental must have wrought the overthrow, not 
only of the vastest vested interests, but of the pro- 
foundest religious prejudices, consequently, it could 
not have been accomplished peaceably ; and in point 
of fact the conservatives were routed in two ter- 
rific outbreaks, whereof the second was the sequence 
of the first, though following it after a considerable 
interval of time. By the wars of the Reformation 
freedom of thought was gained; by the revolutions 
of the eighteenth century, which swept away the incu- 
bus of feudalism, liberty of action was won ; and as 
Massachusetts had been colonized by the radicals of 
the first insurrection, it was not unnatural that their 
children should have led the second. So much may 
be readily conceded, and yet the inherited tendency 
toward liberalism alone would have been insufficient 
to have inspired the peculiar unanimity of sentiment 
which animated her people in their resistance to Great 
Britain, and which perhaps was stronger among her 
clergy, whose instincts regarding domestic affairs were 



316 THE REVOLUTION. 

intensely conservative, tlian among any other portion 
of her population. The reasons for this phenomenon 
are worthy of investigation, for they are not only in- 
teresting in themselves, but they furnish an admirable 
illustration of the irresistible action of antecedent and 
external causes on the human mind. 

Under the Puritan Commonwealth the church gave 
distinction and power, and therefore monopolized the 
ability which sought professional life ; but under the 
provincial government new careers were opened, and 
intellectual activity began to flow in broader chan- 
nels. John Adams illustrates the effect produced by 
the changed environment ; when only twenty he made 
this suggestive entry in his Diary : " The following 
questions may be answered some time or other, 
namely, — Where do we find a precept in the Gos- 
pel requiring Ecclesiastical Synods ? Convocations ? 
Councils? Decrees? Creeds? Confessions? Oaths? 
Subscriptions? and whole cart-loads of other trum- 
pery that we find religion encumbered with in these 
days ? " 1 

Such men became lawyers, doctors, or mei'chants ; 
theology ceased to occupy their minds ; and gradually 
the secular thought of New England grew to be coin- 
cident with that of the other colonies. 

Throughout America the institutions favored indi- 
viduality. No privileged class existed among the 
whites. Under the careless rule of Great Britain 
habits of personal liberty had taken root, which 
* Works of J. Adams, ii. 5. 



THE REVOLUTION. 317 

showed themselves in the tenacity wherewith the peo- 
ple clung to their customs of self-government; and 
so long as these usages were respected, under which 
they had always lived, and which they believed to be 
as well established as Magna Charta, there were not 
in all the king's broad dominions more loyal subjects 
than men like Washington, Jefferson, and Jay. 

The generation now living can read the history of 
the Revolution dispassionately, and to them it is grow- 
ing clear that our ancestors were technically in the 
wrong. For centuries Parliament has been theoreti- 
cally absolute ; therefore it might constitutionally tax 
the colonies, or do whatsoever else with them it 
pleased. Practically, however, it is self-evident that 
the most perfect despotism must be limited by the 
extent to which subjects will obey, and this is a mat- 
ter of habit; rebellions, therefore, are usually caused 
by the conservative instinct, represented by the will 
of the sovereign, attempting to enforce obedience to 
customs which a people have outgrown. 

In 1776, though the Middle Ages had passed, their 
traditions still prevailed in Europe, and probably the 
antagonism between this survival of a dead civiliza- 
tion and the modern democracy of America was too 
deep for any arbitrament save trial by battle. Iden- 
tically the same dispute had arisen in England the 
century before, when the commons rebelled against 
the prerogatives of the crown, and Cromwell fought, 
like Washington, in the cause of individual emancipa- 
tion; but the movement in Great Britain was too 



318 THE REVOLUTION. 

radical for the age, and was followed by a reaction 
whose force was not spent when George III. came to 
the throne. 

Precedent is only inflexible among stationary races, 
and advancing nations glory in their capacity for 
change ; hence it is precisely those who have led revolt 
successfully who have won the brightest fame. If, 
therefore, it be admitted that they should rank among 
mankind's noblest benefactors, who have risked their 
lives to win the freedom we enjoy, and which seems 
destined to endure, there are few to whom posterity 
owes a deeper debt than to our early statesmen ; nor, 
judging their handiwork by the test of time, have 
many lived who in genius have surpassed them. In 
the fourth article of their Declaration of Rights, the 
Continental Congress resolved that the colonists " are 
entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation 
in their several provincial legislatures, ... in all cases 
of taxation and internal polity, subject only to the 
negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has 
been heretofore used and accustomed. But, ... we 
cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of 
Parliament as are, bond Jide, restrained to the regula- 
tion of our external commerce." 

In 1778 a statute was passed, of which an English 
jurist wrote in 1885 : "One act, indeed, of the British 
Parliament might, looked at in the light of history, claim 
a peculiar sanctity. It is certainly an enactment of 
which the terms, we may safely predict, will never be 
repealed and the spirit never be violated. ... It pro- 



THE REVOLUTION. 319 

vides that Parliament ' will not impose any duty, tax 
or assessment whatever, payable in any of his majes- 
ty's colonies . . . except only such duties as it may 
be expedient to impose for the regulation of com- 



merce 



' >' 1 



Thus is the memory of their grievance held sacred 
by the descendants of their adversaries after the lapse 
of a century, and the local self-government for which 
they pleaded has become the immutable policy of the 
empire. The principles they laid down have been 
equally enduring, for they proclaimed the equality of 
men before the law, the corner-stone of modern civil- 
ization, and the Constitution they wrote still remains 
the fundamental charter of the liberties of the repub- 
lic of the United States. 

Nevertheless it remains true that secular liberalism 
alone could never have produced the peculiarly acri- 
monious hostility to Great Britain wherein Massachu- 
setts stood preeminent, whose causes, if traced, will be 
found imbedded at the very foundation of her social 
organization, and to have been steadily in action ever 
since the settlement. Too little study is given to ec- 
clesiastical history, for probably nothing throws so 
much light on certain phases of development; and 
particularly in the case of this Commonwealth the im- 
pulses which moulded her destiny cannot be under- 
stood unless the events that stimulated the passions 
of her clergy are steadily kept in view. 

The early aggrandizement of her priests has been 
^ The Latv of the Constitution, Dicey, p. 62. 



320 THE REVOLUTION. 

described; the inevitable conflict with the law into 
which their ambition plunged them, and the over- 
throw of the theocracy which resulted therefrom, have 
been related ; but the causes that kept alive the old 
exasperation with England throughout the eighteenth 
century have not yet been told. 

The influence of men like Leverett and Colman 
tended to broaden the church, but necessarily the 
process was slow; and there is no lack of evidence 
that the majority of the ministers had little relish for 
the toleration forced upon them by the second char- 
ter. It is not surprising, therefore, to find the sec- 
taries soon again driven to invoke the protection of 
the king. 

Though doubtless some monastic orders have been 
vowed to poverty, it will probably be generally con- 
ceded that a life of privation has not found favor 
with divines as a class ; and one of the earliest acts of 
the provincial legislature bid each town choose an 
able and orthodox minister to dispense the Word of 
God, who should be " suitably encouraged " by an as- 
sessment on all inhabitants without distinction. This 
was for many years a bitter grievance to the dissent- 
ing minority ; but there was worse to come ; for some- 
times the majority were heterodox, when pastors were 
elected who gave great scandal to their evangelical 
brethren. Therefore, for the prevention of " atheism, 
irreligion and prophaness," ^ it was enacted in 1775 
that the justices of the county should report any town 
^ Province Laics, 1715, c. 17. 



THE REVOLUTION. 321 

without an orthodox minister, and thereupon the Gen- 
eral Court should settle a candidate recommended to 
them by the ordained elders, and levy a special tax 
for his support. Nor could men animated by the fer- 
vent piety which raised the ^Mathers to eminence in 
their profession be expected to sit by tamely while 
blasphemers not only worshipped openly, but refused 
to contribute to their incomes. 

" We expect no other but Satan will show his rage 
against us for our endeavors to lessen his kingdom of 
darkness. He hath grievously afflicted me (by God's 
permission) by infatuating or bewitching three or four 
who live in a corner of my parish with Quaker no- 
tions, [who] now hold a separate meeting by them- 
selves." ^ 

The heretics, on their side, were filled with the 
same stubborn spirit which had caused them " obsti- 
nately and proudly " to " persecute " Norton and En- 
dicott in earlier days. In 1722 godly preachers were 
settled at Dartmouth and Tiverton, under the act, the 
majority of whose people were Quakers and Baptists ; 
and the Friends tell their own story in a petition they 
presented to the crown in 1724: "That the said Jo- 
seph Anthony and John Siffon were appointed asses- 
sors of the taxes for the said town of Tiverton, and 
the said John Akin and said Philip Tabor for the town 
of Dartmouth, but some of the said assessors being of 
the people called Quakers, and others of tliem also 

^ Rev. S. Danforth, 1720. Mass. Hist. Coll. fourth series, i. 
258. 



322 THE REVOLUTION. 

dissenting from the Presbyterians and Independents, 
and greatest part of the inhabitants of the said towns 
being also Quakers or Anabaptists . . . the said asses- 
sors duly assessed the other taxes . . . relating to the 
support of government . . . yet they could not in con- 
science assess any of the inhabitants of the said towns 
anything for or towards the maintenance of any min- 
isters. 

" Tliat the said Joseph Anthony, John Siffon, John 
Akin and Philip Tabor, (on pretence of their non- 
compliance with the said law) were on the 25th of 
the month called May, 1723, committed to the jail 
aforesaid, where they still continue prisoners under 
great sufferings and hardships both to themselves and 
families, and where they must remain and die, if not 
relieved by the king's royal clemancy and favour." ^ 

A hearing was had upon this petition before the 
Privy Council, and in June, 1724, an order was made 
directing the remission of the special taxes and the 
release of the prisoners, who were accordingly liber- 
ated in obedience thereto, after they had been incar- 
cerated for thirteen months. 

The blow was felt to be so severe that the conven- 
tion of ministers the next May decided to convene a 
synod, and Dr. Cotton Mather was appointed to draw 
up a petition to the legislature. 

" Considering the great and visible decay of piety 
in the country, and the growth of many miscarriages, 
which we fear may have provoked the glorious Lord 
1 Gough's Quakers, iv. 222, 223. 



THE REVOLUTION. 323 

in a series of various judgments wonderfully to distress 
us. . . . It is humbly desired that . . . the . . . 
churches . . . meet by their pastors ... in a synod, 
and from thence offer their advice upon. . . . What 
are the miscarriages whereof we have reason to think 
the judgments of heaven, upon us, call us to be more 
generally sensible, and what may be the most evan- 
gelical and effectual expedients to put a stop unto 
those or the like miscarriages." ^ 

The " evangelical expedient " was of course to re- 
vive the Cambridge Platform ; nor was such a scheme 
manifestly impossible, for the council voted " that the 
synod . . . will be agreeable to this board, and the 
reverend ministers are desired to take their own time, 
for the said assembly; and it is earnestly wished the 
issue thereof may be a happy reformation." ^ In the 
house of representatives this resolution was read and 
referred to the next session. 

Meanwhile the Episcopalian clergymen of Boston, 
in much alarm, presented a memorial to the General 
Court, remonstrating against the proposed measure ; 
but the council resolved " it contained an indecent 
reflection on the proceedings of that board," ^ and 
dismissed it. Nothing discouraged, the remonstrants 
applied for protection to the Bishop of London, who 
brought the matter to the attention of the law officers 
of the crown. In their opinion to call a synod would 
be " a contempt of his majesty's prerogative," and if 

1 Hutch, Hist. 3d ed. ii. 292, note. 

9 Chahners's Opinions^ i. 8. « Idem, p. 9. 



324 THE REVOLUTION. 

" notwithstanding, . . . they shall continue to hold 
their assembly, . . . the principal actors therein 
[should] be prosecuted . . . for a misdemeanour." ^ 

Steadily and surely the coil was tightening which 
was destined to strangle the established church of 
Massachusetts; but the resistance of the ministers 
was desperate, and lent a tinge of theological hate to 
the outbreak of the Revolution. They believed it 
would be impossible for them to remain a dominant 
priesthood if Episcopalianism, supported by the pat- 
ronage of the crown, should be allowed to take root in 
the land ; yet the Episcopalians represented conser- 
vatism, therefore they were forced to become radicals, 
and the liberalism they taught was fated to destroy 
their power. 

Meanwhile their sacred vineyard lay open to at- 
tack upon every side. At Boston the royal governors 
went to King's Chapel and encouraged the use of the 
liturgy, while an inroad was made into Connecticut 
from New York. Early in the century a certain 
Colonel Heathcote organized a regular system of in- 
vasion. He was a man eminently fitted for the task, 
being filled with zeal for the conversion of dissenters. 
" I have the charity to believe that, after having heard 
one of our ministers preach, they will not look upon 
our church to be such a monster as she is represented ; 
and being convinced of some of the cheats, many of 
them may duly consider of the sin of schism." ^ 

" They have abundance of odd kind of laws, to pre- 

^ Chalmers's Opinions, p. 13. 
* Conn. Church Documents, i. 12. 



THE REVOLUTION. 325 

vent any dissenting . . . and endeavour to keep the 
people in as much blindness and unacquaintedness 
with any other religion as possible, but in a more par- 
ticular manner the church, looking upon her as the 
most dangerous enemy they have to grapple withal, 
and abundance of pains is taken to make the ignorant 
think as bad as possible of her ; and I really believe 
that more than half the people in that government 
think our church to be little better than the Papist, 
and they fail not to improve every little thing against 
us." 1 

He had little liking for the elders, whom he de- 
scribed as being " as absolute in their respective par- 
ishes as the Pope of Rome ; " but he felt kindly 
toward " the passive, obedient people, who dare not do 
otherwise than obey." ^ He explained the details of 
his plan in his letters, and though he was aware of the 
difficulties, he did not despair, his chief anxiety being 
to get a suitable missionary. He finally chose the 
Rev. Mr. Muirson, and in 1706 began a series of 
proselytizing tours. Nevertheless, the clergyman was 
wroth at the treatment he received. 

Honor'd Sir, I entreat your acceptance of my 
most humble and hearty thanks for the kind and 
Christian advice you were pleased to tender me in re- 
lation to Connecticut. ... I know that meekness and 
moderation is most agreeable to the mind of our 
blessed Saviour, Christ, who himself was meek and 
lowly, and would have all his followers to learn that 
* Conn. Church Documents, i. 9. " Idem, i. 10. 



326 THE REVOLUTION. 

lesson of him. ... I have duly consiclerecl all these 
things, and have carried myself civilly and kindly to 
the Independent party, but they have ungratefully re- 
sented my love ; yet I will further consider the obli- 
gations that my holy religion lays upon me, to forgive 
injuries and wrongs, and to return good for their evil. 
... I desired only a liberty of conscience might be 
allowed to the members of the National Church of 
England; which, notwithstanding, they seemed un- 
willing to grant, and left no means untried, both foul 
and fair, to prevent the settling the church among 
them; for one of their justices came to my lodging 
and forewarned me, at my peril, from preaching, tell- 
ing me that I did an illegal thing in bringing in new 
ways among them; the people were likewise threat- 
ened with prison, and a forfeiture of <£5 for coming 
to hear me. It will require more time than you 
will willingly bestow on these lines to express how 
rigidly and severely they treat our people, by taking 
their estates by distress, when they do not willingly 
pay to support their ministers. . . . They tell our 
people that they will not suffer the house of God to 
be defiled with idolatrous worship and superstitious 
ceremonies. . . . They say the sign of the cross is the 
mark of the beast and the sign of the devil, and that 
those who receive it are given to the devil. . . . 
Honored sir, your most assured friend, . . . 

Geo. Muieson. 

Rye, Qth January, 1707-8.^ 

^ Conn. Church Documents, i. 29. 



THE REVOLUTION. 327 

However, in spite of his difficulties, he was able to 
boast that " I have ... in one town, . . . baptized 
about 32, young and old, and administered the Holy 
Sacrament to 18, who never received it before. Each 
time I had a numerous congregation." ^ 

The foregoing correspondence was with the secre- 
tary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, 
which had been incorporated in 1701, and had pres- 
ently afterward appointed Colonel Heathcote as their 
agent. They could have chosen no more energetic 
representative, nor was it long before his exertions be- 
gan to bear fruit. In 1707 nineteen inhabitants of 
Stratford sent a memorial to the Bishop of London, 
the forerunner of many to come. " Because by reason 
of the said laws we are not able to support a minister, 
we further pray your lordship may be pleased to 
send one over with a missionary allowance from the 
honourable corporation, invested with full power, so 
as that he may preach and we hear the blessed Gospel 
of Jesus Christ, without molestation and terror." ^ 

The Anglican prelates conceived it to be their 
duty to meddle with the religious concerns of New 
England ; therefore, by means of the organization of 
the venerable society, they proceeded to plant a num- 
ber of missions throughout the country, whose mis- 
sionaries were paid from the corporate funds. What- 
ever opinion may be formed of the wisdom of a pol- 
icy certain to exasperate deeply so powerful and so 

1 Conn. Church Documents, i. 23. 

2 Idem, i. 34. 



328 THE REVOLUTION. 

revengeful a class as the Congregational elders, there 
can be no doubt the Episcopalians achieved a meas- 
ure of success, in the last degree alarming, not only 
among the laity, but among the clergy themselves. 
Mr. Reed, pastor of Stratford, was the first to go over, 
and was of course deprived of his pai'ish ; his defec- 
tion was followed in 1722 by that of the rector of 
Yale and six other ministers ; and the Rev. .Toseph 
Webb, who thought the end was near, wrote in deep 
affliction to break the news to his friends in Boston. 

Faibfield, Oct. 2, 1722. 

Reverend and Honoured Sir, The occasion of 
my now giving you the trouble of these few lines is 
to me, and I presume to many others, melancholy 
enough. You have perhaps heard before now, or will 
*hear before these come to hand, (I suppose) of the re- 
volt of several persons of figure among us unto the 
Church of England. There 's the Rev. Mr. Cutler, 
rector of our college, and Mr. Daniel Brown, the 
tutor thereof. There are also of ordained ministers, 
pastors of several churches among us, the Rev. Mes- 
sieurs following, viz. John Hart of East Guilford, 
Samuel Whittlesey of Wallingford, Jared Eliot of 
Kennelworth, . . . Samuel Johnson of West-Haven, 
and James Wetmore of North-Haven. They are the 
most of them reputed men of considerable learning, 
and all of them of a virtuous and blameless conver- 
sation. I apprehend the axe is hereby laid to the 
root of our civil and sacred enjoyments ; and a dole- 



THE REVOLUTION. 329 

ful gap opened for trouble and confusion in our 
churches. . . . It is a very dark day with us ; and we 
need pity, prayers and counsel.^ 

From the tone in which these tidings were receiver! 
it is plain that the charity and humility of the gokleK 
age of Massachusetts were not yet altogether extinct 
among her ecclesiastics. The ministers published 
their " sentiments " in a document beginning as fol- 
lows : — 

"• These new Episcopalians have declared their de- 
sire to introduce an usurpation and a superstition into 
the church of God, clearly condemned in the sacred 
Scriptures, which our loyalty and chastity to our 
Saviour, obliges us to keep close unto ; and a tyranny, 
from which the whole church, which desires to be re- 
formed, has groaned that it may be delivered. . . . 
The scandalous conjunction of these unhappy men 
with the Papists is, perhaps, more than what they have 
themselves duly considered." ^ In "A Faithful Rela- 
tion " of what had happened it was observed : " It has 
caused some indignation in them," (the people) " to 
see the vile indignity cast by these cudweeds upon 
those excellent servants of God, who were the leaders 
of the flock that followed our Saviour into this wilder- 
ness : and upon the ministry of them, and their suc- 

1 Rev. Joseph Webb to Dr. C. Mather. Maxs. Hist. Coll. 
second series, ii. 131. 

^ The Sentiments of the Several Ministers in Boston. Mass. 
Hist. Coll. second series, ii. 133. 



330 THE REVOLUTION. 

cessours, in which there has been seen for more than 
forescore years together, the power and blessing of 
God for the salvation of many thousands in the suc- 
cessive generations ; with a success beyond what any 
of them which set such an high value on the Episco- 
pal ordination could ever boast of ! . . . It is a sen- 
sible addition, unto their horrour, to see the horrid 
character of more than one or two, who have got 
themselves qualified with Episcopal ordination, . . . 
and come over as missionaries, perhaps to serve scarce 
twenty families of such people, in a town of several 
hundred families of Christians, better instructed than 
the very missionaries : to think, that they must have 
no other ministers, but such as are ordained, and 
ordered by them, who have sent over such tippling 
sots unto them : instead of those pious and painful 
and faithful instructors which they are now blessed 
withal ! " 1 

Only three of the converts had the fortitude to 
withstand the pressure to which they were exposed : 
Cutler, Johnson, and Brown went to England for or- 
dination ; there Brown died of small-pox, but Cutler 
returned to Boston as a missionary, and as he, too, 
possessed a certain clerical aptitude for forcible ex- 
pression, it is fitting he should relate his own ex- 
periences : — 

" I find that, in spite of malice and the basest arts 
our godly enemies can easily stoop to, that the interest 

1 '< A Faithful Relation of a Late Occurrence." Mass. Hist. 
Coll. second series, ii. 138, 139. 



J 



THE REVOLUTION. 331 

of the church grows and penetrates into the very heart 
of this country. . . . This great town swarms with 
them " (churchmen), " and we are so confident of our 
power and interest that, out of four Parliament-men 
which this town sends to our General Assembly, the 
church intends to put up for two, though I am not 
very sanguine about our success in it. . . . My church 
grows faster than I expected, and, while it doth so, I 
will not be mortified by all the lies and affronts they 
pelt me with. My greatest difficulty ariseth from 
another quarter, and is owing to the covetous and 
malicious spirit of a clergyman in this town, who, in 
lying and villany, is a perfect overmatch for any dis- 
senter that I know ; and, after all the odium that he 
contracted heretofore among them, is fully recon- 
ciled and endeared to them by his falsehood to the 
church." ^ 

Time did not tend to pacify the feud. There was 
no bishop in America, and candidates had to be sent 
to England for ordination ; nor without such an offi- 
cial was it found possible to enforce due discipline ; 
hence the anxiety of Dr. Johnson, and, indeed, of all 
the Episcopalian clergy, to have one appointed for the 
colonies was not unreasonable. Nevertheless, the op- 
position they met with was acrimonious in the extreme, 
so much so as to make them hostile to the charters 
themselves, which they thought sheltered their adver- 
saries. 

* Dr. Timothy Cutler to Dr. Zacbary Grey, April 2, 1725. 
Perry's Collection, iii. 663. 



332 THE REVOLUTION. 

" The king, by his instructions to our governor, de- 
mands a salary ; and if he punishes our obstinacy by 
vacating our charter, I shall think it an eminent bless- 
ing of his illustrious reign." ^ " As I said, infidelity 
prevails also among us. Chubb's and Dr. Clarke's 
works, etc., do much mischief among us. One Kent, 
a dissenting teacher, is now suspended by a council 
for Arianism and Arminianism, though the latter is 
grown so venial that it would have been hushed had 
it not been for the former." ^ 

Whitefield came in 1740, and the tumult of the 
great revival roused fresh animosities. 

" When Mr. Whitefield first arrived here the whole 
town was alarmed. . . . The conventicles were crowded ; 
but he chose rather our Common, where multitudes 
might see him in all his awful postures ; besides that, 
in one crowded conventicle, before he came in, six 
were killed in a fright. The fellow treated the most 
venerable with an air of superiority. But he forever 
lashed and anathematized the Church of England ; 
and that was enough. 

" After him came one Tennent, a monster ! impu- 
dent and noisy, and told them all they were damn'd, 
damn'd, damn'd ! This charmed them, and in the 
most dreadful winter that I ever saw, people wal- 
lowed in the snow night and day for the benefit of his 

1 Dr. Cutler to Dr. Grey, April 20, 1731. Perry's Coll. iii. 
672. 

2 Dr. Cutler to Dr. Grey, June 3, 1735. Perry's Coll. iii. 
674 



THE REVOLUTION. 333 

beastly brayings ; and many ended their days under 
these fatigues. Both of them carried more money out 
of these parts than the poor could be thankful for." ^ 

The excitement was followed by its natural reaction 
conversions became numerous, and the unevangelical 
temper this bred between the rival clergymen is pain- 
fully apparent in a correspondence wherein Dr. John- 
son became involved. Mr. Gold, the Congregationalist 
minister of Stratford, whom he called a dissenter, had 
said of him "that he was a thief, and robber of 
churches, and had no business in the place ; that his 
church doors stood open to all mischief and wicked- 
ness, and other words of like import." He there- 
fore wrote to defend himself : " As to my having no 
business here, I will only say that to me it appears 
most evident that I have as much business here at 
least as you have, — being appointed by a society in 
England incorporated by royal charter to provide 
ministers for the church people in America ; nor does 
his majesty allow of any establishment here, exclusive 
of the church, much less of anything that should pre- 
clude the society he has incorporated from providing 
and sending ministers to the church people in these 
countries." ^ To which Mr. Gold replied : — 

As for the pleas which you make for Col. Lewis, and 
others that have broke away disorderly from our church, 

1 Dr. Cutler to Dr. Grey, Sept. 24, 1743. Perry's Coll. iii. 
676. 

' Life of Dr. Samuel Johnson, p. 108. 



334 THE REVOLUTION. 

I think there 's neither weight nor truth in them ; nor 
do I believe such poor shifts will stand them nor you 
in any stead in the awful day of account ; and as for 
your saying that as bad as you are yet you lie open to 
conviction, — for my part I find no reason to think 
you do, seeing you are so free and full in denying 
plain matters of fact. ... I don't think it worth my 
while to say anything further in the affair, and as you 
began the controversy against rule or justice, so I hope 
modesty will induce you to desist ; and do assure you 
that if you see cause to make any more replies, my 
purpose is, without reading of them, to put them un- 
der the pot among my other thorns and there let one 
flame quench the matter. . . . Hez. Gold. 

Stratford, July 21, 1741.^ 

And so by an obvious sequence of cause and effect 
it came to pass that the clergy were early ripe for 
rebellion, and only awaited their opportunity. Nor 
could it have been otherwise. An autocratic priest- 
hood had seen their order stripped of its privileges 
one by one, until nothing remained but their moral 
empire over their parishioners, and then at last not 
only did an association of rival ecclesiastics send over 
emissaries to steal away their people, but they pro- 
posed to establish a bishop in the land. The thought 
was wormwood. He would be rich, he would live in a 
palace, he would be supported by the patronage and 
pomp of the royal governors ; the imposing ceremo- 

1 Life of Dr. Samuel Johnson, p. 111. 



THE REVOLUTION. 335 

nial would become fashionable ; and in imagination 
they already saw themselves reduced to the humble 
position of dissenters in their own kingdom. Jona- 
than Mayhew was called a heretic by his more conser- 
vative brethren, but he was one of the ablest and the 
most acrid of the Boston ministers. He took little 
pains to disguise his feelings, and so early as 1750 he 
preached a sermon, which was once famous, wherein 
he told his hearers that it was their duty to oppose 
the encroachment of the British prelates, if necessary, 
by force. 

" Suppose, then, it was allowed, in general, that the 
clergy were a useful order of men ; that they ought 
to be esteemed very highly in love for their work's 
sake, and to be decently supported by those they 
serve, ' the laborer being worthy of his reward.' Sup- 
pose, further, that a number of reverend and right 
reverend drones, who worked not ; who preached, per- 
haps, but once a year, and then not the gospel of 
Jesus Christ, but the divine right of tithes, the dignity 
of their office as ambassadors of Christ, . . . suppose 
such men as these, spending their lives in effeminacy, 
luxury, and idleness ; . . . suppose this should be the 
case, . . . would not everybody be astonished at such 
insolence, injustice, and impiety?" ^ "Civil tyranny 
is usually small in its beginning, like ' the drop of a 
bucket,' till at length, like a mighty torrent ... it 
bears down all before it. . . . Thus it is as to eccle- 

^ " Discourse concerning Unlimited Submission," Jonathan 
Mayhew. Thornton's American Pulpit, pp. 71, 72. 



336 THE REVOLUTION. 

siastical tyranny also — the most cruel, intolerable, 
and impious of any. From small beginnings, ' it ex- 
alts itself above all that is called God and that is 
worshipped.' People have no security against being 
unmercifully priest-ridden but by keeping all imperi- 
ous bishops, and other clergymen who love to 'lord 
it over God's heritage,' from getting their foot into 
the stirrup at all. . . . For which reason it becomes 
every friend to truth and human kind, every lover of 
God and the Christian religion, to bear a part in op- 
posing this hateful monster." ^ 

Between these envenomed priests peace was impos- 
sible ; each year brought with it some new aggression 
which added fuel to the flame. In 1763, Mr. Apthorp, 
missionary at Cambridge, published a pamphlet, in 
answer, as he explained, to " some anonymous libels 
which appeared in our newspapers . . . grossly re- 
flecting on the society & their missionaries, & in par- 
ticular on the mission at Cambridge." ^ 

By this time the passions of the Congregationalist 
divines had reached a point when words seemed hardly 
adequate to give them expression. The Rev. Ezra 
Stiles wrote to Dr. Mayhew in these terms : — 

" Shall we be hushed into silence, by those whose 
tender mercies are cruelty ; and who, notwithstanding 
their pretence of moderation, wish the subversion of 

^ Preface to "A Discourse concerning Unlimited Submis- 
sion," Jonathan Mayhew. Thornton's Amer. Pulpit, pp. 50, 51. 

^ East x\pthorp to the Secretary, June 25, 1763. Perry's 
Coll iii. 500. 



THE REVOLUTION. 337 

our churches, and are combined, in united, steady 
and vigorous effort, by all the arts of subtlety and 
intreague, for our ruin ? " ^ 

Mr. Stiles need have felt no anxiety, for, according 
to Mr. AjDthorp, " this occasion was greedily seized, 
... by a dissenting minister of Boston, a man of a 
singular character, of good abilities, but of a turbu- 
lent & contentious disposition, at variance, not only 
with the Church of England, but in the essential doc- 
trines of religion, with most of his own party." ^ He 
alluded to a tract written by Dr. May hew in answer 
to his pamphlet, in which he reproduced the charge 
made by Mr. Stiles : " The society have long had a 
formal design to dissolve and root out all our New- 
England churches ; or, in other words, to reduce them 
all to the Episcopal form." 3 And withal he clothed 
his thoughts in language which angered Mr. Caner : — 

" A few days after, Mr Apthorpe published the en- 
closed pamphlet, in vindication of the institution and 
conduct of the society, which occasioned the ungenteel 
reflections which your grace will find in DT Mayhew's 
pamphlet, in which, not content with the personal 
abuse of Mf Apthorpe, he has insulted the missions 
in general, the society, the Church of England, in 
short, the whole rational establishment, in so dirty a 
manner, that it seems to be below the character of a 
gentleman to enter into controversy with him. In 

1 Dr. Ezra Stiles to Dr. Mayhew, 1763. Life of Mayhew, p. 246. 

2 East Apthorp to the Secretary. Perry's Coll. iii. 500. 
' Observations on the Charter, etc. of the Society, p. 107. 



338 THE REVOLUTION. 

most of his sermons, of which he published a great 
number, he introduces some malicious invectives 
against the society or the Church of England, and if 
at any time the most candid and gentle remarks are 
made upon such abuse, he breaks forth into sucl\ bit- 
ter and scurrilous personal reflections, that in truth 
no one cares to have anything to do with him. His 
doctrinal principles, which seem chiefly copied from 
L^ Shaftsbury, Bolingbroke, &c., are so offensive to 
the generalty of the dissenting ministers, that they 
refuse to admit him a member of their association, 
yet they appear to be pleased with his abusing the 
Church of England." i 

The Archbishop of Canterbury himself now inter- 
fered, and tried to calm the tumult by a candid and 
dignified reply to Dr. Mayhew, in which he labored to 
show the harmlessness of the proposed bishopric. 

" Therefore it is desired, that two or more bishops 
may be appointed for them, to reside where his majesty 
shall think most convenient [not in New England, 
but in one of the Episcopalian colonies] ; that they 
may have no concern in the least with any person who 
do not profess themselves to be of the Church of Eng- 
land, but may ordain ministers for such as do ; . . . 
and take such oversight of the Episcopal clergy, as the 
Bishop of London's commissaries in those parts have 
been empowered to take, and have taken, without 
offence. But it is not desired in the least that they 

1 Rev. Mr. Caner to the Archbishop of Canterbury, June 8, 
1763. Perry's Coll. iii. 497, 498. 



THE REVOLUTION. 339 

should hold courts ... or be vested witli any author- 
ity, now exercised either by provincial governors or 
subordinate magistrates, or infringe or diminish any 
privileges and liberties enjoyed by any of the laity, 
even of our own communion." ^ 

But the archbishop should have known that the 
passions of rival ecclesiastics are not to be allayed. 
The Episcopalians had become so exasperated as to 
want nothing less than the overthrow of popular gov- 
ernment. Dr. Johnson wrote in 1763 : " Is there then 
nothing more that can be done either for obtaining 
bishops or demolishing these pernicious charter gov- 
ernments, and reducing them all to one form in im- 
mediate dependence on the king? I cannot help call- 
ing them pernicious, for they are indeed so as well for 
the best good of the people themselves as for the in- 
terests of true religion." ^ 

The Congregation alists, on the other hand, inflamed 
with jealousy, were ripe for rebellion. On March 22, 
1765, the Stamp Act became law, and the clergy 
threw themselves into the combat with characteristic 
violence. Oliver had been appointed distributor, but 
his house was attacked and he was forced to resign. 
The next evening but one the rabble visited Hutch- 
inson, who was lieutenant-governor, and broke his 
windows ; and there was general fear of further riot- 
ing. In the midst of this crisis, on the 25th of Au- 

"^ An Answer to Dr. Mayhew's Observations y etc. Dr. Seeker, 
p. 51. 

* Life of Samuel Johnson, p. 279. 



340 THE REVOLUTION. 

gust, Dr. Mayhew preached a sermon in the West 
Meeting-house from the text, " I would they were 
even cut off which trouble you." ^ That this dis- 
course was in fact an incendiary harangue is demon- 
strated by what followed. At nightfall on the 26th 
a fierce mob forced the cellars of the comptroller of 
the customs, and got drunk on the spirits stored with- 
in ; then they went on to Hutchinson's dwelling : 
" The doors were immediately split to pieces with 
broad axes, and a way made there, and at the win- 
dows, for the entry of the mob ; which poured in, and 
filled, in an instant, every room. . . . They continued 
their possession until daylight ; destroyed . . . every- 
thing . . . except the walls, . . . and had begun to 
break away the brick-work." ^ His irreplaceable col- 
lection of original papers was thrown into the street ; 
and when a bystander interfered in the hope of saving 
some of them, " answer was made, that it had been 
resolved to destroy everything in the house ; and such 
resolve should be carried to effect." ^ Malice so bit- 
ter bears the peculiar ecclesiastical tinge, and is ex- 
plained by the confession of one of the ring-leaders, 
who, when subsequently arrested, said he had been 
excited by the sermon, "and that he thought he was 
doing God service." * 

The outbreak met with general condemnation, and 
Dr. Mayhew, who saw he had gone too far, tried to 
excuse himself : — 

1 Galatians v. 12. « Hutch. Hist. iii. 124. 

8 Idem, p. 125, note. ^ Idem, p. 123. 



THE REVOLUTION. 341 

" Sir, — I take the freedom to write you a few 
lines, by way of condolence, on account of the ahnost 
unparalleled outrages committed at your house last 
evening ; and the great damage which I understand 
you have suffered thereby. God is my witness, that, 
from the bottom of my heart, I detest these proceed- 
ings ; that I am most sincerely grieved at them, and 
have a deep sympathy with you and your distressed 
family on this occasion." ' 

Nevertheless, the rejjeal of the Stamp Act, which 
pacified the laity, left the clergy as hot as ever ; and 
so early as 1768, when no one outside of the inmost 
ecclesiastical circle yet dreamed of independence, but 
when the Rev. Andrew Eliot thought the erection of 
the bishopric was near, he frankly told Hollis he an- 
ticipated war. 

" You will see by this pamphlet, how we are ca- 
joled. A colony bishop is to be a more innocent 
creature than ever a bishop was, since diocesan bish- 
ops were introduced to lord it over God's heritage. 
. . . Can the A-b-p, and his tools, think to impose on 
the colonists by these artful representations. . . . The 
people of New England are greatly alarmed ; the 
arrival of a bishop would raisa them as much as any 
one thing. . . . Our General Court is now sitting. 
I have hinted to some of the members, that it will be 
proper for them to express their fears of the setting 
up an hierarchy here. I am well assured a motion 
will be made to this purpose. ... I may be mistaken, 
^ Mayhew to Hutchinson. Life of Mayhew, p. 420. 



342 THE REVOLUTION. 

but I am persuaded the dispute between Great Britain 
and her colonies will never be amicably settled. . . . 
I sent you a few hasty remarks on the A-b-p's sermon. 
... I am more and more convinced of the meanness, 
art — if he was not in so high a station, I should say, 
falsehood — of that Arch-Pr-1-te." i 

An established priesthood is naturally the firmest 
support of despotism ; but the course of events made 
that of Massachusetts revolutionary. This was a sociaJ 
factor whose importance it is hard to overestimate ; for 
though the influence of the elders had much declined 
during the eighteenth century, their political power 
was still immense ; and it is impossible to measure 
the degree in which the drift of feeling toward inde- 
pendence would have been arrested had they been 
thoroughly loyal. At all events, the evidence tends 
to show that it is most improbable the first blood 
would have been shed in the streets of Boston had it 
been the policy of Great Britain to conciliate the 
Congregational Church ; if, for example, the liberals 
had been forced to meet the issue of taxation upon 
a statute designed to raise a revenue for tho mainte- 
nance of the evangelical clergy. How potent an ally 
King George lost by incurring their hatred may be 
judged by the devotion of the Episcopalian pastors, 
many of whom were of the same blood as their Cal- 
vinistic brethren, often, like Cutler and Johnson, con- 
verts. They all showed the same intensity of feeling ; 

^ Thomas Seeker. Andrew Eliot to Thomas Hollis, Jan. 6, 
1768. Mass. Hist. Coll. fourth series, iv. 422. 



THE REVOLUTION. 343 

all were Tories, not one wavered ; and they boasted 
that they were long able to hold their parishioners in 
check. 

In September, 1765, those of Connecticut wrote to 
the secretary, " although the commotions and disaf- 
fection in this country are very great at present, rel- 
ative to what they call the imposition of stamp duties, 
yet . . . the people of the Church of England, in 
general, in this colony, as we hear, . . . and those, in 
particular, under our respective charges, are of a con- 
trary temper and conduct ; esteeming it nothing short 
of rebellion to speak evil of dignities, and to avow 
opposition to this last act of Parliament. . . . 

" We think it our incumbent duty to warn our 
hearers, in particular, of the unreasonableness and 
wickedness of their taking the least part in any tu- 
mult or opposition to his majesty's acts, and we have 
obvious reasons for the fullest persuasion, that they 
will steadily behave themselves as true and faithful 
subjects to his majesty's person and government." ^ 

Even so late as April, 1775, Mr. Caner, at Boston, 
felt justified in making a very similar report to the 
society : " Our clergy have in the midst of these con- 
fusions behaved I think with remarkable prudence. 
None of them have been hindered from exercising the 
duties of their office since Mr Peters, tho' many of 
them have been much threat'ned ; and as their people 
have for the most part remained firm and steadfast in 
their loyalty and attachment to goverment, the clergy 
* Conn. Church Doc. ii. 81. 



344 THE REVOLUTION. 

feel themselves supported by a conscious satisfaction 
that their labors have not been in vain." ^ 

Nor did they shrink because of danger from setting 
an example of passive obedience to their congrega- 
tions. The Rev. Dr. Beach graduated at Yale in 
1721 and became the Congregational pastor of New- 
town. Pie was afterward converted, and during the 
war was forbidden to read the prayers for the royal 
family ; but he replied, " that he would do his duty, 
preach and pray for the king, till the rebels cut out 
his tongue." ^ 

In estimating the energy of a social force, such as 
ecclesiasticism, the indirect are often more striking 
than the direct manifestations of power, and this is 
eminently true of Massachusetts ; for, notwithstand- 
ing her ministers had always been astute and inde- 
fatigable politicians, their greatest triumphs were in- 
variably won by some layman whose mind they had 
moulded and whom they put forward as their cham- 
pion. From John Winthrop, who was the first, an 
almost unbroken line of these redoubtable partisans 
stretched down to the Revolution, where it ended with 
him who is perhaps the most celebrated of all. 

Samuel Adams has been called the last of the 
Puritans. He was indeed the incarnation of those 
qualities which led to eminence under the theocracy. 
A rigid Calvinist, reticent, cool, and brave, matchless 
in intrigue, and tireless in purpose, his cause was al- 
ways holy, and therefore sanctified the means. 

1 Perry's Coll. iii. 579. 

' O^Callaglian Documents, iii. 10.53, 8vo ed. 



THE REVOLUTION. 345 

Professor Hosmer thus describes him : " It was, 
however, as a manager of men that Samuel Adams 
was greatest. Such a master of the methods by which 
a town-meeting may be swayed, the world has never 
seen. On the best of terms with the people, the ship- 
yard men, the distillers, the sailors, as well as the 
merchants and ministers, he knew precisely what 
springs to touch. He was the prince of canvassers, 
the very king of the caucus, of which his father was 
the inventor. ... As to his tact, was it ever sur- 
passed ? " 1 A bigot in religion, he had the flexi- 
bility of a Jesuit ; and though he abhorred Episco- 
palians, he proposed that Mr. Duche should make the 
opening prayer for Congress, in the hope of soothing 
the southern members. Strict in all ceremonial ob- 
servances, he was loose in money matters ; yet even 
here he stood within the pale, for Dr. Cotton Mather 
was looser,^ who was the most orthodox of divines. 

The clergy instinctively clave to him, and gave 
him their fullest confidence. When there was any im- 
portant work to do they went to him, and he never 
failed them. On January 5, 1768, the Rev. Dr. Eliot 
told Hollis he had suggested to some of the members 
of the legislature to remonstrate against the bishops.^ 
A week later the celebrated letter of instructions of 
the house to the agent, De Berdt, was reported, which 
was written by Adams ; and it is interesting to ob- 

^ Hosmer's Samuel Adams, p. 363. 

* See Letter on behalf of Dr. Cotton Mather to Sewall, Mass. 
Hist. Coll. fourth series, ii. 122. 

' Mass. Hist. Coll. fourth series, iv. 422. 



346 THE REVOLUTION. 

serve how, in the midst of a most vigorous protest on 
the subject, he broke out : " We hope in God such an 
establishment will never take place in America, and 
we desire you would strenuously oppose it." ^ 

The subtle but unmistakable flavor of ecclesiasti- 
cism pervades his whole long agitation. He handled 
the newspapers with infinite skill, and the way in 
which he used the toleration granted the Canadian 
Catholics by the Quebec bill, as a goad wherewith 
to inflame the dying Puritan fanaticism, was worthy 
of St. Ignatius. He moved for the committee who 
reported the resolutions of the town of Boston in 
1772 ; his spirit inspired them, and in these also the 
grievance of Episcopacy plays a large part. How 
strong his prejudices were may be gathered from a 
few words : " We think therefore that every design 
for establishing ... a bishop in this province, is a 
design both against our civil and religious rights." ^ 

The liberals, as loyal subjects of Great Britain, 
grieved over her policy as the direst of misfortunes, 
which indeed they might be driven to resist, but which 
they strove to modify. 

Washington wrote in 1774 : " I am well satisfied, 
. . . that it is the ardent wish of the warmest advo- 
cates for liberty, that peace and tranquillity, upon con- 
stitutional grounds, may be restored, and the horrors 
of civil discord prevented." " Jefferson affirmed : 

1 Mass. State Papers, 1765-1775, p. 132. 

' Votes and Proceedings of Boston, Nov. 20, 1772, p. 28. 

' Washington to Mackenzie. Washington's Writings, ii. 402. 



THE REVOLUTION. 347 

" Before the commencement of hostilities ... I never 
had heard a whisper of a disposition to sepai'ate from 
Great Britain ; and after that, its possibility was con- 
templated with affliction by all." While John Adams 
solemnly declared : " For my own part, there was not 
a moment during the Revolution, when I would not 
have given everything I possessed for a restoration 
to the state of things before the contest began, pro- 
vided we could have had a sufficient security for its 
continuance." ^ 

In such feelings Samuel Adams had no share. In 
each renewed aggression he saw the error of his natu- 
ral enemy, which brought ever nearer the realization 
of the dream of independence he had inherited from 
the past ; for the same fierce passion burned within 
him that had made Endicott mutilate his flag, and 
Leverett read his king's letter with his hat on ; and 
the guns of Lexington were music in his ears. 

He was not a lawyer, nor a statesman, in the true 
meaning of the word, but he was a consummate agi- 
tator ; and if this be remembered, his career becomes 
clear. When he conceived the idea of the possibility 
of independence is uncertain ; probably soon after the 
passage of the Stamp Act, but the evidence is strong 
that so early as 1768 he had deliberately resolved to 
precipitate some catastrophe which would make recon- 
ciliation impossible, and obviously an armed collision 
would have suited his purpose best. 

Troops were then first ordered to Boston, and at 
^ Note of Sparks, Washington^ s Writings, ii. 301. 



348 THE REVOLUTION. 

one moment he was tempted to cause their landing to 
be resisted. An old affidavit is still extant, presum- 
ably truthful enough, which brings him vividly be- 
fore the mind as he went about the town lashing up 
the people. 

" Mr. Samuel Adams . . . happened to join the 
same party . . . trembling and in great agitation. . . . 
The informant heard the said Samuel Adams then 
say . . . 'If you are men, behave like men. Let us 
take up arms immediately, and be free, and seize all 
the king's officers. We shall have thirty thousand 
men to join us from the country.' . . . And before the 
arrival of the troops ... at the house of the inform- 
ant . . . the said Samuel Adams said : ' We will not 
submit to any tax, nor become slaves. . . . The coun- 
try was first settled by our ancestors, therefore we are 
free and want no king.' . . . The informant further 
sayeth, that about a fortnight before the troops ar- 
rived, the aforesaid Samuel Adams, being at the house 
of the informant, the informant asked him what he 
thought of the times. The said Adams answered, 
with great alertness, that, on lighting the beacon, we 
should be joined with thirty thousand men from the 
country with their knapsacks and bayonets fixed, and 
added, ' We will destroy every soldier that dare put 
his foot on shore. His majesty has no right to send 
troops here to invade the country, and I look upon 
them as foreign enemies I ' " i 

Maturer reflection must have convinced him his 
1 Wells's Samuel Adams, i. 210, 211. 



THE REVOLUTION. 349 

design was impracticable, for lie certainly abandoned 
it, and the two regiments disembarked in peace ; but 
their position was unfortunate. Together they were 
barely a thousand strong, and were completely at the 
mercy of the populous and hostile province they had 
been sent to awe. 

The temptation to a bold and unscrupulous revolu- 
tionary leader must have been intense. Apparently it 
needed but a spark to cause an explosion ; the rabble 
of Boston could be fierce and dangerous when roused, 
as had been proved by the sack of Hutchinson's house ; 
and if the soldiers could be goaded into firing on the 
citizens, the chances were they would be annihilated 
in the rising which would follow, when a rupture 
would be inevitable. But even supposing the militia 
abstained from participating in the outbreak, and the 
tumult were suppressed, the indignation at the slaugh- 
ter would be deep enough to sustain him in mak- 
ing demands which the government could not grant. 

Hutchinson and the English officers understood the 
danger, and for many months the discipline was ex- 
emplary, but precautions were futile. Though he 
knew full well how to be all things to all men, the nat- 
ural affiliations of Samuel Adams were with the clergy 
and the mob, and in the ship-yards and rope-walks he 
reigned supreme. Nor was he of a temper to shrink 
from using to the utmost the opportunity his adversa- 
ries had put in his hands, and he forthwith began 
a series of inflammatory appeals in the newspapers, 
whereof this is a specimen : " And are the inhabitants 



350 THE REVOLUTION. 

of this town still to be affronted in the night as well 
as the day by soldiers arm'd with muskets and fix'd 
bayonets ? . . . Will the spirits of people, as yet 
unsubdued by tyranny, unaw'd by the menaces of 
arbitary power, submit to be govem'd by military 
force?"! 

In 1770 it was notorious that " endeavors had been 
systematically pursued for many months, by certain 
busy characters, to excite quarrels, rencounters, and 
combats, single or compound, in the night, between 
the inhabitants of the lower class and the soldiers, 
and at all risks to enkindle an immortal hatred be- 
tween them." 2 And it is curious to observe how the 
British always quarrelled with the laborers about 
the wharves ; and how these, the closest friends of 
Adams, were all imbued with the theory he main- 
tained, that the military could not use their weapons 
without the order of a civil magistrate. Little by 
little the animosity increased, until on the 2d of 
March there was a very serious fray at Gray's rope- 
walk, which was begun by one of the hands, who 
knocked down two soldiers who spoke to him in the 
street. Although Adams afterward labored to con- 
vince the public that the tragedy which happened 
three days later was the result of a deliberately ma- 
tured conspiracy to murder the citizens for revenge, 
there is nothing whereon to base such a charge ; on 
the contrary, the evidence tends to exonerate the 

^ Vindex, Boston Gazette, Dec. 5, 1768. 

3 Autobiography of John Adams. Works of J. Adams, ii. 229.. 



THE REVOLUTION. 351 

troops, and the verdicts show the opinion of the ju- 
ries. There was exasperation on both sides, but the 
rabble were not restrained by discipline, and on the 
night of the 5th of March James Crawford swore he 
he saw at Calf's corner " about a dozen with sticks, in 
Quaker Lane and Green's Lane, met many going to- 
ward King Street. Very great sticks, pretty large 
cudgells, not common walking canes. ... At Swing 
bridge the people were walking from all quarters with 
sticks. I was afraid to go home, . . . the streets in 
such commotion as I hardly ever saw in my life. Un- 
common sticks such as a man would pull out of an 
hedge. . . . Thomas Knight at his own door, 8 or 
10 passed with sticks or clubs and one of them said 
'D — n their bloods, let us go and attack the main 
guard first.'" ^ The crown witnesses testified that 
the sentry was surrounded by a crowd of thirty or 
forty, who pelted him with pieces of ice "hard and 
large enough to hurt any man ; as big as one's fist." 
And he said "he was afraid, if the boys did not 
disperse, there would be " trouble.^ When the guard 
came to his help the mob grew still more violent, 
yelling " bloody backs," " lobster scoundrels," " damn 
you, fire ! why don't you fire ? " striking them with 
sticks. 

" Did you observe anybody strike Montgomery, or 
was a club thrown ? The stroke came from a stick 
or club that was in somebody's hand, and the blow 

^ Kidder's Massacre, p. 10. 

a Idem, p. 138. 



352 THE REVOLUTION. 

struck his gun and his arm." " Was he knocked 
down ? . . . He fell, I am sure. . . . His gun flew 
out of hand, and as he stooped to take it up, he fell 
himself. . . . Was any number of people standing 
near the man that struck his gun? Yes, a w^hole 
crowd, fifty or sixty." ^ When the volley came at last 
the rabble fell back, and the 29th was rapidly formed 
before the main guard, the front rank kneeling, that 
the fire might sweep the street. And now when every 
bell was tolling, and the town was called to arms, 
and infuriated men came pouring in by thousands, 
Hutchinson showed he had inherited the blood of his 
great ancestress, who feared little upon earth ; but 
then, indeed, their adversaries have seldom charged 
the Puritans with cowardice in fight. Coming quickly 
to the council chamber he passed into the balcony, 
which overhung the kneeling regiment and the armed 
and maddened crowd, and he spoke with such calm- 
ness and courage that even then he was obeyed. He 
promised that justice should be done and he com- 
manded the people to disperse. Preston and his men 
were at once surrendered to the authorities to await 
their trial. 

The next day Adams was in his glory. The meet- 
ing in the morning was as wax between his fingers, 
and his friend, the Rev. Dr. Cooper, opened it with 
fervent prayer. A committee was at once appointed 
to demand the withdrawal of the troops, but Hutchin- 
son thought he had no power and that Gage alone 
1 Kidder's Massacre, pp. 138, 139. 



THE REVOLUTION. 353 

could give the order. Nevertheless, after a conference 
with Colonel Dalrymple he was induced to propose 
that the 29th should be sent to the Castle, and the 
14th put under strict restraint.^ To the daring agita- 
tor it seemed at last his hour was come, for the whole 
people were behind hiin, and Hutchinson himself 
says " their spirit " was " as high as was the spirit 
of their ancestors when they imprisoned Andros." 
As the committee descended the steps of the State 
House to go to the Old South where they were to 
report, the dense crowd made way for them, and 
Samuel Adams as he walked bare-headed through 
their lines continually bowed to right and left, repeat- 
ing the catchword, " Both regiments or none." His 
touch on human passions was unerring, for when the 
lieutenant-governor's reply was read, the great assem- 
bly answered with a mighty shout, " Both regiments 
or none," and so instructed he returned. Then the 
nature of the man shone out ; the handful of troops 
were helpless, and he was as inflexible as steel. The 
thin, strong, determined, gray-eyed Puritan stood be- 
fore Hutchinson, inwardly exulting as he marked his 
features change under the torture. "A multitude 
highly incensed now wait the result of this applica- 
tion. The voice of ten thousand freemen demands 
that both regiments be forthwith removed. . . . Fail 
not then at your peril to comply with this requisi- 
tion ! " 2 It was the spirit of Norton and of Endicott 

^ Kidder's Massacre, p. 43. 

2 Hosmer's Samuel Adams, p. 173. 



354 THE REVOLUTION. 

alive again, and he was flushed with the same stern 
triumph at the sight of his victim's pain: "It was 
then, if fancy deceived me not, I observed his knees 
to tremble. I thought I saw his face grow pale (and 
I enjoyed the sight)." ^ 

Probably nothing prevented a complete rupture but 
the hopeless weakness of the garrison, for Hutchinson, 
feeling the decisive moment had come, was full of 
fight. He saw that to yield would destroy his author- 
ity, and he opposed concession, but he stood alone, the 
officers knew their position was untenable, and the 
council was unanimous against him. " The L* G. en- 
deavoured to convince them of the ill consequence of 
this advice, and kept them until late in the evening, 
the people remaining assembled ; but the council were 
resolute. Their advice, therefore, he communicated 
to Co^ Dalrymple, accompanied with a declaration, 
that he had no authority to order the removal of the 
troops. This part Col. D. was dissatisfied with, and 
urged the L* G. to withdraw it, but he refused, and 
the regiments were removed. He was much dis- 
tressed, but he brought it all upon himself by his offer 
to remove one of the regiments. No censure, however, 
was passed ujjon him." ^ 

Had the pacification of his country been the object 
near his heart, Samuel Adams, after his victory, would 
have abstained from any act however remotely tend- 
ing to influence the course of justice; for he must 

^ Adams to Warren. Wells's Samuel Adams, i. 324. 
^ Diary and Letters of T. Hutchinson, p. 80. 



THE REVOLUTION. 356 

have known that it was only by such conduct the col- 
onists could inspire respect for the motives which 
actuated them in their resistance. A capital sentence 
would have been doubly unfortunate, for had it been 
executed it would have roused all England ; while 
had the king pardoned the soldiers, as assuredly he 
would have done, a deep feeling of wrong would have 
rankled in America. 

A fanatical and revolutionary demagogue, on the 
other hand, would have longed for a conviction, not 
only to compass his ends as a politician, but to glut 
his hate as a zealot. 

Samuel Adams was a taciturn, secretive man, whose 
tortuous course would have been hard to follow a cen- 
tury ago ; now the attempt is hopeless. Yet there is 
one inference it seems permissible to draw : his ad- 
mirers have always boasted that he was the inspira- 
tion of the town meetings, presumably, therefore, the 
the votes passed at them may be attributed to his 
manipulation. And starting from this point, with 
the help of Hutchinson and his own writings, it is 
still possible to discern the outlines of a policy well 
worthy of a theocratic statesman. 

The March meeting began on the 12th. On the 
13th it was resolved : — 

" That be and they hereby are appointed a com- 
mittee for and in behalf of the town to find out who 
those persons are that were the perpetrators of the 
horred murders and massacres done and committed in 
King Street on several of the inhabitants in the even- 



356 THE REVOLUTION. 

ing of the 5*- instant and take such examinations and 
depositions as they can procure, and lay the whole 
thereof before the grand inquest in order that such 
perpetrators may be indicted and brought to tryal for 
the same, and upon indictments being found, said com- 
mittee are desired to prepare matters for the king's 
attorney, to attend at their tryals in the superior 
court, subpoena all the witnesses, and do everything 
necessary for bringing those murtherers to that pun- 
ishment for such crimes, as the laws of God and man 
require." ^ 

A day or two afterward a number of Adams's 
friends, among whom were some of the members of 
this committee, dined together, and Hutchinson tells 
what he persuaded them to do. 

" The time for holding the superior court for the 
county of Suffolk was the next week after the tragical 
action in King Street. Although bills were found by 
the grand jury, yet the court, considering the disor- 
dered state of the town, had thought fit to continue 
the trials over to the next term, when the minds of 
people would be more free from prejudice." " A 
considerable number of the most active persons in 
all publick measures of the town, having din^d to- 
gether, went in a body from table to the superior 
court then sitting, and Mr. Adams, at their head and 
in behalf of the town, pressed the bringing on the 
trial the same term with so much spirit, that the 
judges did not think it advisable to abide by their own 
^ Records of Boston, v. 232. 



THE REVOLUTION. 357 

order, but appointed a day for the trials, and ad- 
journed the court for that purpose." ^ 

The justices must afterward have grown ashamed 
of their cowardice, for Rex v. Preston did not come 
on until the autumn, and altogether very little was ac- 
complished by these attempts to interfere with the due 
administration of the law. " A committee had been 
appointed by the town to assist in the prosecution of 
the soldiers . . . but this was irregular. The courts, 
according to the practice in the province, required no 
prosecutors but the officers of the crown ; much less 
would they have thought it proper for the principal 
town in the province to have brought all its weight, 
which was very great, into court against the prison- 
ers." 2 

Nevertheless, Adams had by no means exhausted 
his resources, for it was possible so to inflame the 
public mind that dispassionate juries could hardly be 
obtained. 

At the same March meeting another committee 
was named, who were to obtain a " particular account 
of all proceedings relative to the massacre in King 
Street on Monday night last, that a full and just rep- 
resentation may be made thereof ? " ^ The reason as- 
signed for so unwonted a proceeding as the taking of 
ex parte testimony by a popular assembly concerning 
alleged murders, for which men were to be pres- 

1 Hutch. Hist. iii. 285, 286 and note. 

^ Idem, iii. 286, note. 

^ Kidder's Massacre, p. 23. 



358 THE REVOLUTION. 

ently tried for their lives, was the necessity for con- 
troverting the aspersions of the British officials ; but 
the probable truth of this explanation must be judged 
by the course actually pursued. On the 19th the re- 
port was made, consisting of " A Short Narrative 
of the Horrid Massacre in Boston," together with a 
number of depositions ; and though perhaps it was 
natural, under the circumstances, for such a pamphlet 
to have been highly partisan, it was unnatural for its 
authors to have assumed the burden of proving that a 
deliberately planned conspiracy had existed between 
the civilians and the military to murder the citizens ; 
especially as this tremendous charge rested upon no 
better foundation than the fantastic falsehoods of " a 
French boy, whose evidence appeared to the justice 
so improbable, and whose character was so infamous, 
that the justice, who was one of the most zealous in 
the cause of liberty, refused to issue a warrant to 
apprehend his master, against whom he swore." ^ 
" Then I went up to the custom - house door and 
knocked, ... I saw my master and Mr. Munroe come 
down-stairs, and go into a room ; when four or five 
men went up stairs, pulling and hauling me after 
them. . . . When I was carried into the chamber, there 
was but one light in the room, and that in the corner 
of the chamber, when 1 saw a tall man loading a gun 
(then I saw two guns in the room) . . . there was a 
number of gentlemen in the room. After the gun was 
loaded, the tall man gave it to me, and told me to fire, 
1 Hutch. Hist. iii. 279, 280. 



ll 



THE REVOLUTION. 359 

and said he would kill me if I did not ; I told him 
I would not. He drawing a sword out of his cane, 
told me, if I did not fire it, he would run it through 
my guts. The man putting the gun out of the win- 
dow, it being a little open, I fired it sideway up the 
street; the tall man then loaded the gun again. ... I 
told him I would not fire again ; he told me again, he 
would run me through the guts if I did not. Upon 
which I fired the same way up the street. After I 
fired the second gun, I saw my master in the room ; 
he took a gun and pointed it out of the window ; I 
heard the gun go off. Then a tall man came and 
clapped me on the shoulders above and below stairs, 
and said, that 's my good boy, I '11 give you some 
money to-morrow. . . . And I ran home as fast as I 
could, and sat up all night in my master's kitchen. 
And further say, that my master licked me the next 
night for telling Mrs. Waldron about his firing out 
of the custom-house. And for fear that I should be 
licked again, I did deny all that I said before Justice 
Quincy, which I am very sorry for.^ . . . 

his 

"Charlotte -|- Bourgate." 

mark. 

While it is inconceivable that a cool and sagacious 
politician, whose object was to convince Parliament of 
the good faith of Massachusetts, should have relied 
upon such incredible statements to sway the minds of 
English statesmen and lawyers, it is equally incon- 
^ Kidder's Massacre, p. 82, Deposition 58. 



360 THE REVOLUTION. 

ceivable he should not have known they were admi- 
rably adapted to still further exasperate an already 
excited people ; and that such was his purpose must 
be inferred from the immediate publication of the 
substance of this affidavit in the newspapers.^ 

Without doubt a vote was passed on the 26th of 
March, a week after the committee had presented 
their report, desiring them to reserve all the printed 
copies not sent to Europe, as their distribution might 
tend to bias the juries ; but even had this precaution 
been observed, it came too late, for the damage was 
done when the Narrative was read in Faneuil Hall; 
in fact, however, the order was eluded, for " many 
copies, notwithstanding, got abroad, and some of a 
second edition were sent from England, long before 
the trials of the officer and soldiers came on." ^ And 
at this cheap rate a reputation for magnanimity was 
earned. 

How thoroughly the clergy sympathized with their 
champion appears from their clamors for blood. As 
the time drew near it was rumored Hutchinson would 
reprieve the prisoners, should they be convicted, till 
the king's pleasure could be known. Then Dr. 
Chauncy, the senior minister of Boston, cried out in 
his pulpit : " Surely he would not counteract the op- 
eration of the law, both of God and of man ! Surely 
he would not suffer the town and land to lie under 
the defilement of blood ! Surely he would not make 

1 Boston Gazette, March 19, 1770. 

2 Hutch. Hist. iii. 279. 



THE REVOLUTION. 361 

himself a partaker in the guilt of murder, by putting 
a stop to the shedding of their blood, who have mur- 
derously spilt the blood of others ! " ^ 

Adams attended when the causes were heard and 
took notes of the evidence ; and one of the few occa- 
sions in his long life on which his temper seems to 
have got beyond control was when the accused were 
acquitted. His writings betray unmistakable cha- 
grin ; and nothing is more typical of the man, or of 
the clerical atmosphere wherein he had been bred, 
than his comments upon the testimony on which the 
lives of his enemies hung. His piety caused him to 
doubt those whose evidence was adverse to his wishes, 
though they appeared to be trying to speak the truth. 
" The credibility of a witness perhaps cannot be im- 
peach'd in court, unless he has been convicted of per- 
jury : but an immoral man, for instance one who will 
commonly prophane the name of his maker, certainly 
cannot be esteemed of equal credit by a jury, with one 
who fears to take that sacred name in vain : It is im- 
possible he should in the mind of any man." ^ 

And yet this rigid Calvinist, this incarnation of 
ecclesiasticism, had no scruple in propagating the 
palpable and infamous lies of Charlotte Bourgate, 
when by so doing he thought it possible to further his 
own ends. He was bitterly mortified, for he had 
been foiled. Yet, though he had failed in precipitat- 
ing war, he had struck a telling blow, and he had no 

1 Hutch. Hist. iii. 329, note. 
3 Boston Crozette, Jan. 21, 1771, 



362 THE REVOLUTION. 

reason to repine. Probably no single event, before 
fighting actually began, left so deep a scar as the Bos- 
ton massacre; and many years later John Adams 
gave it as his deliberate opinion that, on the night of 
the 5th of March, 1770, " the foundation of American 
independence was laid." Nor was the full realization 
of his hopes long delayed. Gage occupied Boston in 
1774. During the winter the tireless agitator, from 
his place in the Provincial Congress, warned the peo- 
ple to fight any force sent more than ten miles from 
the town ; and so when Paul Revere galloped through 
Middlesex on the night of the 18th of April he found 
the farmers ready. Samuel Adams had slept at the 
house of the Rev. Jonas Clark. Before sunrise the 
detachment sent to seize him was close at hand. While 
they advanced, he escaped ; and as he walked across 
the fields toward Woburn, to the sound of the gims of 
Lexington, he exclaimed, in a burst of passionate tri- 
umph, " What a glorious morning is this ! " 

Massachusetts became the hot-bed of rebellion be- 
cause of this unwonted alliance between liberality and 
sacerdotalism. Liberality was her birthright ; for lib- 
eralism is the offspring of intellectual variation, which 
makes mutual toleration of opinion a necessity ; but 
that her church should have been radical at this crisis 
was due to the action of a long chain of memorable 
causes. 

The exiles of the Reformation were enthusiasts, for 
none would then have dared defy the pains of heresy, 
in whom the instinct onward was feebler than the fear 



THE REVOLUTION. 363 

of death ; yet when the wanderers reached America 
the mental growth of the majority had cuhninated, 
and they had passed into the age of routine ; and ex- 
actly in proportion as their youthful inspiration had 
been fervid was their later formalism intense. But 
similar causes acting on the human mechanism pro- 
duce like results ; hence bigotry and ambition fed by 
power led to persecution. Then, as the despotism of 
the preachers deepened, their victims groaning in 
their dungeons, or furrowed by their lash, implored 
the aid of England, who, in defence of freedom and 
of law, crushed the theocracy at a blow. And the 
clergy knew and hated their enemy from the earliest 
days ; it was this bitter theological jealousy which 
flamed within Endicott when he mutilated his flag, 
and within Leverett when he insulted Randolph ; it 
was a rapacious lust for power and a furious detesta- 
tion of rival priests which maddened the Mathers in 
their onslaught upon Dudley, which burned undimmed 
in Mayhew and Cooper, and in their champion, Sam- 
uel Adams, and which at last made the hierarchy cast 
in its lot with an ally more dangerous far than those 
prelates whom it deemed its foe. For no church can 
preach liberality and not be liberalized. Of a truth 
the momentary spasm may pass which made these 
conservatives progressive, and they may once more 
manifest their reactionary nature, but, nevertheless, 
the impulsion shall have been given to that automatic, 
yet resistless, machinery which produces innovation ; 
wherefore, in the next generation, the great liberal 



364 THE REVOLUTION. 

secession from the Congregational communion broke 
the ecclesiastical power forever. And so, through 
toil and suffering, through martyrdoms and war, the 
Puritans wrought out the ancient destiny which fated 
them to wander as outcasts to the desolate New Eng- 
land shore ; there, amidst hardship and apparent fail- 
ure, they slowly achieved their civil and religious lib- 
erty, and conceived that constitutional system which 
is the root of our national life ; and there in another 
century the liberal commonwealth they had builded 
led the battle against the spread of human oppression ; 
and when the war of slavery burst forth her soldiers 
rightly were the first to fall ; for it is her children's 
heritagre that, wheresoever on this continent blood 
shall flow in defence of personal freedom, there must 
the sons of Massachusetts surely be. 



IIN'DEX. 



Note. — In some places in this volume the foot-notes are abbreviated. Besse and 
Sswel stand for tlie Histories of the Quakers by those authors, William Sewel and 
Joseph Besse ; Palfrey, for Dr. J. G. Palfrey's History of New England ; Hutchin- 
son and Winthrop, for Colonial Histories by Thomas Hutchinson and John Win- 
throp, unless their other works are specified ; Backus, for the History of the Bap- 
tists in New England, by Dr. Isaac Backus. 



Aahon, ritual and family, 256-258. 

Abraham, illustration, 72. 

Account of the Colonies, preachers rul- 
ing, 291. 

Acts, Book of, Mather's reference, 270. 

Adams, John : soundness, 302 ; tired of 
the council, 306 ; problem of the Con- 
stitution, 307 ; liberality, 310 ; guinea- 
fee, 311 ; changed environment, 316 ; 
no desire for separation from Great 
Britain, 347 ; foundation of American 
independence, 362. 

Adams, John, Works : jus gladii, 302 ; 
political tracts, 307 ; pertinent eccle- 
siastical queries, 316 ; quarrels in Bos- 
ton, 350. 

Adams, Samuel : Calvinist and Rebel, 
3i4 ; Hosmer's description, 345 ff. ; 
tact, 345, 346 ; urging war, 347-349 ; 
supreme in the shipyards, 349, 350 ; 
in his glory, 352 ; clamor for Revolu- 
tion, 353 : no peace, words to Warren, 
354 ; traits, 355 ; friends, 356 ; in court, 
356, 357 ; resources, 357 ; at the mas- 
sacre trial, 361 ; disappointment, 361, 
362; Congress and Lexington, 362; 
theological jealousy, 363. 

Africa, traders in, 13. 

Abab : marriage, 130 ; family destroyed, 
131-134, 174 ; vineyard, 159 ; compar- 
ison, 212. 

Ahaziah : death, 132 ; troubles, 133. 

Akin, John : asses.sor, 321 ; jail, 322. 

Alcitil, signature, 10. 

Allaire, Madame, friend of Colman, 240. 

Allen's Biographical {q. v.) Dictionary, 
on Clark, 110. 

Ambition, strong passion, 3. 

Ambrose, Alice : preaching, 155 ; arrest, 
156 ; ill - treated, 157 ; frozen, 153 ; 
flogged, 176. 

America : a refuge for trade, 20 ; part 
of British Empire, 21 ; policy towards, 



179 ; corporation organized in, 181 ; 
Clarendon's letter, 191 ; institutions 
favoring individuality, 316 ; democ- 
racy, 317 ; no bishops, 331, 346. (See 
Massachusetts, New England.) 

American Independence, foundation, 
362. 

American Indians (g. v.), development, 
256. 

American Jezebel (q. v.), 47. 

American Pulpit, on Mayhew (g. v.), 
335, 336. 

American Union, foundation, 43, 215. 

Anabaptists : countenanced, 6, 7 ; allu- 
sion, 73; chapter, 105-127; "rough 
thing," 105 ; legislative order, 105, 
106 ; a father pmiished, 106, 107 ; the 
Harvard president, 107-109 ; a recre- 
ant divine, 109, 121, 122 ; Rhode Isl- 
and (q. v.), 109, 110 ; Lynn (g. v.) 
troubles, 111-113 ; reviled by the 
Bench, 112 ; Clark (g. v.), 113 ; Cran- 
dall (g. v.), 114; Hohnes (g. v.), 114, 
115 ; succoring a heretic, li5 ; motives 
never single, 115, 116 ; selfish clerical 
policy, 116-118 ; Charlestown (g. v.) 
troubles, 118 ; Gould (g. v.), 118-124 
turbulent, 122 ; vile, 123 ; sympathy 
124 ; England roused, 125 ; persecu- 
tions over, 126, 127 ; Mather's account 
127 ; no penalty, 209 ; Tiverton, 322. 
(See Baptism, lOunster, Infant, Mitch 
el, Spur.) 

Anderson's History, cited, 14. 

Andros, Governor : maligned, 202 ; ad- 
ministration, 216; confirms Increase 
Mather, 261 ; Dudley sold for, 277 ; 
prison, 353. 

Angels, of children, 222. 

AngUcan Prelates, meddling in New Eng- 
land, 327. (See Bishops, Church, Eng- 
lish, Episcopal.) 

Animals, adaptation changing, 128. 



3Gt) 



INDEX. 



Annals, Bruce's, 16. 

Annals, Chalmers's (q. v.), the Gorges 

claim, 198. 
Annals of Salem (3. v.), Higginson's or- 
dination, 153. 
Anne, Queen, commissioning Dudley, 

277. 
Answer to Dr. Mayhew's (3. v.) Observa- 
tions, 339- 
Anthony, Joseph : assessor, 321 ; jail, 

322. 
Antinomians : allusion, 6 ; pimishment, 
39 ; chapter, 44-78 ; habit, social and 
individual, 44-47 ; restless spirit, 47 ; 
Cotton (q. V.) and liis followers, 47, 
48; Wheelwright {q. v.), 48; Vane's 
(g. V.) diiBcultiea, 47, 50-52 ; a wom- 
an's reasoning, 49, 50 ; general discon- 
tent, 50 ; opposing the clergy, 53, 54 ; 
strong sermon, 54-56 ; sedition, 56, 
57 ; liberal feeling high, 57, 58 ; op- 
pressive statute, 58 ; solemn quib- 
bling, 59 ; eighty opinions condemned, 
60 ; Cotton's defection, 61, 62 ; cry, 
62 ; appeal to the king, 63, 64 ; other 
victims, 64, 65 ; liberals crushed, 65 ; 
Hutchinson (q. v. ) case, 65-78 ; ruined, 
79 ; politically roused, 81 ; crusade, 
99 ; Clark's (q. v.) interest, 110. (See 
Peters.) 
Antipaedobaptists, communion, 116. (See 

Anabaptists.) 
Antwerp, London traders in, 14. 
Apes, mutability, 129. 
Appeals : to British jurisdiction refused, 
19 ; without act of Parliament, 189 ; 
few, 192 ; rejected, 194 ; arbitrary, 
195 ; intolerable, 209 ; not consented 
to, 211 ; provided for, 293. (See Eng- 
land.) 
Apprentices, number employed, 17. 
Apthorp, R«v. East : Cambridge pas- 
torate, 336; pamplilet, 336, 337; let- 
ters, 337. (See Episcopal.) 
Archbishop of Canterbury : interfer- 
ence, 338, 339 ; tools, 341 ; falsehood, 
342. 
Arch-heretic, 118. 
Arianism, in Boston, 332. 
Arians, liberty for, 85. 
Aristocracy: in Middle Ages, 9; arising 
from guilds, 14, 15 ; of seventeenth 
century, 25 ; character, 94 ; absorbing 
power, 95 ; speaking, 97 : queer in 
New England, 127. (See Clergy.) 
Arminianism, increasing, 332. 
Arrowsmith, Rev. Mr., 5. 
Ascension, allusion, 70. 
AspinwaU : disfranchised, 65 ; exiled, 

96. I 

Assembly, Leciunere case, 298-300. (See 

General.) 
Assistants : duties, 15, 16 ; difference 
with the deputies, S3 ; Plymouth, 85. 
(See Board, Court.) 
As to Roger Williams (g. v.) : character, 
135 ; a humaner policy, 138 ; Mary 



Price, 145 ; George Wilson, 147 ; deco- 
rum, 148 ; new measures, 149 ; Whar' 
ton, 150 ; Sabbath (5. v. ) disturbances, 
152 ; a warning, 154 ; right punish- 
ment, 154; service interrupted, 155; 
Southwicks, 166. (See Baptists.) 

Atheism, prevented, 320. 

Atheists, so called for disbelief in witch- 
craft, 223. 

Atlantic Islands, granted, 153. 

Attorney, for colonists, 214. 

Austin, Anne, in Boston, 137, 143. 

Authority, submission to, the highest 
virtue, 238. (See Clergy.) 

Autobiography of John Adams (g. .), 
Boston murmurs, 350. 

Automatism, 45. 

Baal : worship, 130, 133, 134 ; priests 

in New England, 145. 
Backus's History of the Baptists in New 
England : Hohnes (g. v.), 110; Witter 
(3. v.),_ 111, 114; Gould (g. v.), 118- 
120 ; disputation, 121 ; penalties, 122 ; 
sufferings, 125, 126. 
BaUlie, Robert : clergy, 5, 6 ; typical, 8 ; 

shocked, 41. 
Baillie's Letters : London preaching, 6 ; 

Gorton's friends, 41. 
Baptism : with cross, 3 ; despised, 6 ; 
refused to Maverick's children, 87 ; 
regulations relaxed, 243 ; Episcopal in 
Connecticut, 327. 
Baptists : punished, 39 ; early, in Boston, 
107 ; uncomfortable, 109 : Newport 
(q. v.), 110 ; one aged. 111 ; banished, 
112; persecuted, 117 ; peaceable, 118; 
many dealt with, 121 ; appeal, 123- 
125 , church built, 126, 206 ; complaints 
to crown, 184; hating Massachusetts, 
202; church closed, 209; banishment 
stiU enforced, 210 ; majority in towns, 
321. (See Anabaptists, Infant, Pcedo- 
baptism.) 
Barbadoes : Vassal, 94 ; escaped Quak- 
ers, 147 ; Southwick children, 172. 
Bath, England, Colman there, 240. 
Batter, Edmund, mUd reply, 172, 173. 
Beach, Rev. Dr., courage, 344. 
Beacon, a clerical, 274, 348. 
Belial, comparison, 89. 
BeUingham (Billingham), Richard: dep- 
uty, 18 ; moderation, 139 ; appeal, 142 ; 
searching Quakers, 143 ; forbearance, 
144. 
Bellomont (Bellamont), Lord : veto, 266 ; 
pockets the prize, 268 ; managing the 
college, 271 ; appointed to go to Eng- 
land, 272 ; sudden death, 278 ; decla- 
ration about Dudley, 282. 
Besse's History of the Quakers iq. v.) : 
Upshall's fine, 146 ; two Quakeresses 
aud Wilson, 147 ; Elizabeth Hooton, 
147-149; Newhouse, 150; AVharton, 
150-152 ; a husband's appeal, 153 ; a 
girl's trouble, 154 ; Dover warrant, 
156 ; cruel treatment of a woman, 158 j 



INDEX. 



367 



naked testimony, 160 ; the last suf- 
ferer, 162 ; a Quaker tract, 163 ; ordi- 
nances beaten, 166 ; a narrow reply, 
170 ; a fanatic's punishment, 172. (See 
proper names in their proper places.) 
Bethel, children of, 252. 
Beverly, Mass., pastor, 227. 
Bible : as authority, 1 ; guide, 43 ; all 
revelation (q. v.) in, 48, 134; kept for 
fee, 144 ; read without comment, 243; 
interpreted by clergy, 259 ; exposition, 
291. (See Kings, Scriptures.) 
Bigotry, strong passion, 3. 
Bilsby, England, vicar of, 48. 
Biographical Dictionary: Clark (q. v.), 

110 ; the elder Mather, 218. 
Bi.shop of London : memorials, 323, 327 ; 

commissaries, 338. 
Bishops, remonstrance against, 345. (See 

Anglican, Church, Episcopal.) 
Blackstone, Rev. William, leaving Bos- 
ton, 87. 
iBlackstone's Commentaries, 21. 
Blasphemers : mildly treated, ISO ; re- 
fusing to pay for worship, 321. 
Blasphemies, punished, 29, 98. 
Bloody Tenent Washed, 36. 
Board of Assistants, moderation, 206. 

(See Court, General.) 
Body of Liberties, 24, 289. 
Bohngbroke, doctrines copied, 338. 
Book of Common Prayer : to be permit- 
ted, 187 ; opposed, 194. 
Boston Church (q. v.) : Cotton (q. v.) as 
teacher, 47; Wilson{g. i'.), 116; threat, 
134, 135, 175. 
Boston Gazette : Adams's spirit, 350 ; 

massacre, 360 ; trial, 361. 
Boston, Mass. : Quakers {q. v.) in, 18, 
19 ; first General Court, 23 ; deputies 
sent to, 24 ; stronghold, 50 ; humanity 
crushed, 65; letter from clergy, 75; 
Blackstone driven out, 87 ; Maverick 
(q. v.), 94; Cotton's hospitality, 100; 
Partridge {q. v.), 102; Clark (g. v.), 
110 ; trial of the Baptists {q. v.), 112 ; 
Crandall {q. r.), 114; Quakers arrive, 
137, 141, 143; Upshal, 144; disturb- 
ances, 147, 148 ; street whipping, 150 ; 
a young girl's case, 153 ; constables, 
155 ; a family of disturbers, 164, 166 ; 
flogging, 171 ; mob, 177 ; Gorges and 
friends, 182 ; governor-general dread- 
ed, 184 ; ear cut, 185 ; commissioners, 
190 ; dead letter, 198 ; collector ap- 
pointed, 203 ; merchants favor conces- 
sions, 206 ; fear to publisli book, 236 ; 
new church, 246 ; Matlier's return 
from Cambridge, 272-274 ; real-estate 
litigation, 297 ; two regiments, 310 ; 
Episcopalianism (q. v. ), 323 ; govern- 
ors at church, 324 ; missionary, 330 ; 
Bwarniing with churchmen, 331 : blood 
in streets, 342 ; resolution, 346 ; troops, 
347 ; r-abble, 349 ; outbreak, 351 ; mas- 
sacre, 352 ; records, 355. {See Adams, 
Matiacre, Revolution.) 



Boston Ministers : fasting, 221 ; acrid, 

335 ; senior, 360. (See Clergy.) 
Bottles, broken, 146, 149, 150. 
Bound House, 183. 
Bounds, 12. 
Bourgate, Charlotte, hiB deposition, 359- 

361. 
Boyle, court to, 193. 
Brabant, John, Duke of, 14. 
Bradford, William: governor, 84; Vas- 
sal's petition, 85. 
Bradstreet (Broadstreet), Simon : King's 
letter, 142 ; blamed, 160 ; mission, 184 ; 
conference with Fox, 185 ; snared, 
186 ; governor, 205 ; moderation, 206. 
Brahmin, famous, 258. 
Brain : feeble, 128 ; too weak for orig- 
inal thought, 314. 
Braintree, Mass., letter, 311, 312. 
Brattle Church : chapter, 237-254 ; diffi- 
culty of imbibing new opinions, 237, 
238; priestly instinct, 239; limit of 
Mather's capacity, 239, 240 : Colman, 
240-242 ; new church formed, 242-244 ; 
views attacked, 244-248 ; reconcilia- 
tion, 248, 249 ; rebukes, 249, 250 ; re- 
plies, 250, 251 ; effect, 252-254 ; revolt, 
265. 
Brattle Family : against witchcraft de- 
lusion, 228 ; on Mather's track, 235 ; 
new and liberal church, 241 ; danger- 
ous, 248 ; influence in Harvard, 276 ; 
officers, 280. 
Brattle, Rev. William: college power, 
239, 261 ; letter to Colman, 241 : sup- 
port of liberty, 244 ; paper, 248 ; reply 
to Mather's sermon, 250 ; wisdom, 
279. 
Brattle Street Church, History: mani- 
festo, 242 ; regulations, 243 ; ecclesi- 
astical protests, 245 ; letter, 248. 
Brattle, Thomas : laud for church, 241 ; 

not timorous, 244. 
Brend, William : irons and starvation, 
164; flogged, 165; Norton's verdict, 
166 ; fortune, 176. 
Brewster, Margaret: last Quaker {q. v.) 
case, 139 ; whipped, 143 ; immortal- 
ized, 161 ; sentence, 162 ; judged by 
clergy, 292. 
Bridges, Robert, arrestmg Baptists, 111, 

112. 
Brief Apologie, quoted, 75, 76. 
British Constitution, action repugnant 

to, 180. 
British Empire : America a part of, 21 ; 
law and subjects, 90 ; colonies belong- 
ing in, 205. (See England.) 
British India, Mill's, treatment of na- 
tives, 138. 
British Ministry, occupying Boston, 310. 
British Prelates, encroaching, 335. 
British Supremacy, ended, 303. 
Brooksup, Joan, prisoner, 147. 
Brown, Rev. Daniel : Episcopalian, 328 ; 

ordination and death, 330. 
Browns, shipped to England, 87. 



ms 



INDEX. 



Bruce. (See Aiinah.) 
Buffum, Joshua, signature, 168. 
Bulkely, Peter : mission, 201 ; Uismissed, 

•207. 
Bunker Hill, soldiers, 313. 
Bureau of Ethnology, '25G. 
Burgesses, at Westniinstsr, 11. 
Burghers : organized, 10 ; trade, 11. 
Burnet, on Peters, 5'2. 
Burroughs, Rev. George : climacteric 

case, 226 ; death, 227. 
Burton, Thomas, petition, 88, 91, 93 
Byfield, Mass , Governor Dudley, 278. 

Cabal, cabinet, 196. 

Caesar, appearing before, 270. 

Calef, Robert : protest against witch- 
craft delusion, 228; on Mather's track, 
235; Calf's book, 235, 236; spit on, 
236. 

Calf's Corner, 351. 

Calvary, allusion, 42. 

Calvinists : connection with rebellion, 
342 ; Sam. Adams, 344, 361. 

Calvin, John : orthodox, 2 ; and Laud 
compared, 4. 

Cambridge, England : meeting of emi- 
grants, 23. 

Cambridge, Mass. : synod and discipline, 
30 ; preaching, 35 ; seat of govern- 
ment, 57 ; synod, 60, 89, 97-104 ; dis- 
turbances, 148 ; Colman's degree, 
240 ; Episcopaliauism, 262 ; riding to, 
263 ; things wrong, 265 , residence of 
president of Harvard [q. v.), 272-274; 
pastor, 279 ; convention, 308; mission- 
ary, 336. 

Cambridge Platform : allusion, 30 ; 
chapter, 79-104 ; causes, 79-96 ; join- 
ing the church, 79, 80 ; slavery to 
clergy, SO, 81 ; meddling with military 
affairs, 81-84 ; focus of discontent, 
84 ; Vassal's (g. v.) exceptions, 84-86 ; 
joint petitioners, 84-89 ; action of 
clergy, 89, 91 ; penalties, 91-95 ; this 
action defended, 95-97 ; platform 
adopted and promulgated, 96-98 ; 
Winthrop's attitude, 98-101 ; Cotton's 
attitude, 99-102 ; sterner leaders, 102- 
104 ; by whom overthrown, 239, 240 ; 
reenacted, 244 ; revived, 332. 

Canadian Catholics, toleration, 346. 

Caner, Rev. Mr. : anger, 337 ; letter to 
Canterbury, 338 , prudence, 343. 

Canterbury, not infallible, 4 (See Arch- 
bishop.) 

Capital Punishment, for heresy of action, 

Carlyle's Cromwell (q. r.), 0, 7, 31. 

Carr, Sir Robert, commissioner, 188. 

Cartwright, Colonel George, commis- 
sioner, 188. 

Caste : opposed to progress, 129 ; theo- 
logical and Hindoo, 238 : unfailing 
dominion, 255 ; origin, archaic stage, 
258 , sacred, 286 ; imperfect develop- 
ment, 314. 



Castle Island, fort, 87. 

Castle, troops, 353. 

Catgut, whip iq. v.), 172. 

Catholicism, Roman {q. v.), hated, 259. 

Caucus, invented, 345. 

Chalmers, George, Political Annals of 
the United Colonies : Gorges's claim, 
198 ; land-conveyance, 202 ; opinion 
of law-officers, 203 ; answers of agents, 
204 ; impending warrant, 208 ; bribery, 
decisive moment, 210. 

Chalmers's Opinions, disturbance and 
synod, 323, 324. 

Chamberlain, Hon. Mellen, obligations 
to, preface. 

Chapman, Henry C, aid, preface. 

Charles I. : aims, 4; granting charter, 
15, 20, 136 ; reign, 59 ; cordiality, 179. 

Charles II. : warning New England, 
39 ; merciful missive, 137, date, 142 ; 
crowned, 183 ; complaints and reply, 
183, 186 ; demands, 188, 1S9 ; subjects 
in America, 191 ; affectionate answer, 
192 ; instructions, 194 ; letter to 
Maine, 195 ; wasteful, 196 ; too poor 
to fight, 199 ; provocation, plan for 
Monmouth, 202 ; another letter, 207, 
208 ; struggle with the Commons, 
208 ; overthrowing theocracy, 215 ; 
clerical obstinacy towards, 216. 

Charles River : land near, 21, 22 ; grant, 
183. 

Charlestown, History of, 33. 

Charlestown, Mass. : pastor, 36, 105 ; 
infant baptism, 119 : Gould, 118, 119 ; 
respected citizen, 123 ; fasting, 221 ; 
superior court, 229. 

Charter of Massachusetts (q. v.) : not 
tolerant, 91 ; legal, 92 , from Charles 
I. , 136 ; extent, 180, 183 ; foundation 
in freedom, 187 ; proceedings against, 
190 ; inconsistent with appeals, 193 ; 
void, 203 ; proposal to remove and re- 
store, 211 ; purchased, 212 ; first gov- 
ermnent, 290 ; old, 304. (See Provin- 
cial. ) 

Charters : origin, 10, 11 ; Plymouth, 12 ; 
from Edward IV., 14; vacated, 18; 
Rhode Island, 110 ; powers tran- 
scended, 189. 

Chatham, Katherine : turbulent, 143 ; 
sackcloth, 147. 

Chauncy, Rev. Charles: wolf illustra- 
tion, 169, 177 ; pulpit cry, 360. 

Checkly, Captain Samuel, and Mather, 
275. 

Chichester, William, carrying Quakers, 
144. 

Chief Justice, first, 294. 

Childe, Dr. Robert : petition, 88, 188 ; 
answered, 89 ; punishment, 91-93 ; 
blasted, 94 ; no Jesuit, 95 ; coerced, 
96 ; rancor, 99 ; overwhelming attacks, 
117 ; clerical visitation, 145 ; trial, 309. 
(See Vassal.) 

Childhood : religious impressions, 45 ; 
of race, 129. 



INDEX. 



369 



Children : enforced religion, 2 ; exile, 
139; sold, 177; reached through the 
women, 238. 

Child versus Hudson Bay Company, 20. 

Chosen People, in New England, 43. 
(See Commonwealth, Jews, Puritan.) 

Christ : duty to, 35-39 ; gross union 
with, 41 ; rebuking, 46 ; abolishing law, 
49 ; getting subjects, 232. 

Christendom, recognition of freedom of 
thought by, 2. 

Christians, free, 46. 

Christian : so-caUed, 37 ; jurisdiction, 
38. 

Christison, Wenlock : trial, 18, 19 ; fate, 
104 ; not executed, 137 ; date of con- 
demnation, 142 ; trial, 147, 151; effect 
on Wharton, 150 ; sentence, 152 ; at 
Hampton, 158 ; guard needed, 177 ; 
allusion, 309. 

Christophers, Christopher, the probate 
judge, 298, 299. 

Chubb's Works, mischievous, 332. 

Church-buildings, not to be erected, 
206, 209. 

Church : enemies destroyed, 36 ; liberty 
in, 82 ; petition, for admission, 88 ; 
united with state, 98; Gould sum- 
moned before, 119 ; monopoly, 316 ; 
established in Massachusetts, 324 ; 
made liberal by liberal preaching, 363. 

Churches : unduly gathered, 29, 30 ; 
undermined, 124 ; adversaries, 235. 

Church in Boston {q. v.), Hutchinson 
case, 44-78 passim. 

Church-membership ; qualifications for, 
8 ; difficult, 79 ; admission, 80 ; new 
rules, 190. 

Church-members, proportion of num- 
bers, 204. (See Communicants.) 

Church of Christ, libelled, 91. 

Church of England : to be respected in 
colonies, 209 ; conversions, 328 ; lashed, 
332 ; insulted, 337 ; invective, 338. 
(See Anglican, Bishops, Episcopal.) 

Civilization : and caste, 255 ; advanced 
stage, 314 ; comer-stone, 319. 

Clarendon, Lord : policy, 184 ; attention 
to colonies, 188 ; plan, 189 ; alterna- 
tive, 190 ; annoyed, 191 ; dismissal, 
196 ; report from Randolph (g. v.), 
210. 

Clarke's Works, mischievous, 332. 

Clark, Rev. John : pastorate, 110; mis- 
sion ; 111, 112 ; trial, 112, 113 ; letter, 
125. 

Clark, Rev. Jonas, Lexington, 362. 

Clark's Case, 20. 

Clark's Life of his Father, brimstone 
story, 231. 

Clark versus Tousey, Privy Council, 
301. 

Clergy : class, 25 ; autlioritv in Kew 
England, 26-33, 3543; Winthrop's 
friendship for, 40 ; opposed to Vane, 
50 ; triumphant in church, 79 ; med- 
dling, 81 ; rigid rule, 95 ; powers de- 



fined, 98 ; acting on public opinion, 
116, 117 ; sl.aying brethren, 129 ; in- 
tolerant nature, 140 ; visitation intol- 
erable, 145 ; demand for deference, 
149 i secular power, 187 ; rejecting 
compromise, 205 , secularization, 210 ; 
last struggle, 211 ; no concession, 212 ; 
obstinacy towards the king, 216; 
forced into moderation, 231 ; despot- 
ism, 236 ; seeing political and moral 
bearings, 239 ; opposition to Colman, 
242 ; conservative test, 266 ; ascend- 
ancy over civil government, 290; 
absorbing all functions, 292 ; passions 
and Massachusetts civilization, 319 ; 
supported by law, 321 ; Episcopal {q. 
V.) alarm 328 ; Stamp Act, 339 ; not 
pacified by repeal, 341 ; confidence in 
Sam Adams, 345 ; hating the enemy 
from the first, 3G3. (See Church, Ec- 
clesiastics, Elders.) 

Clerico-political Morality, illustrated, 
180. 

Clifford, suggestion, 196. 

Cloth, price, 17. 

Cobbett, Rev. Thomas, against Gorton, 
118. 

Cobblers, preaching, 117, 118. 

Coddington : ill-treated, 65 ; defence of 
Mrs. Hutchinson, 75.; defeated, 96 ; 
Winthrop's friendship, 98. 

Coggsshall : ill-treated, 65 ; witness in 
the Hutchinson case, 69. 

Coining, 188 ; Privy Council investiga- 
tion, 253. 

Coke, cited, 20. 

Colbum, in court, 74. 

Coleman, Ann, arrest, 156. 

Cole, Ursula, sentenced, 33. 

Collection of Some of the More Offen- 
sive Matters, 252, 253. 

Colman, Rev. Benjamin : book on Ma- 
ther, 235 ; capture and career, 240 ; 
residence in Bath, 240, 241 ; pastoral 
call, 241 ; arrival, 242 ; Matlier's allu- 
sion, 245 ; day of prayer, 247 ; danger- 
ous, 248 ; letter subscribed and im- 
piety, 249; reply to Mather, 250; 
waxing great, 254 ; disobedient to Ma- 
ther, 259 ; college influence, 280, 281 ; 
broadening influence, 320. (See BroU- 
tie.) 

Colonial Government : progress, 292 ; 
declar.ition, 318. (See Commonwealth, 
Massach usflts. ) 

Colonies, protected by England {q. v.), 9. 

Come-outers, comparison, 135. 

Commerce • affected by theological trou- 
bles, 206; regulative law, 319. (See 
Guilds.) 

Commissioners for the Plantations (q. 
V. ) : petition to, 92 ; Winslow's pro- 
test, 118. 

Commissions to New England • general, 
188-215 ; landing, 100 ; to Plymouth 
demands, 192 ; coercion impossible, 
194 ; recalled, 195. 



370 



INDEX 



Commonalty, classified, 25. 

Common Coimcil, power, 13. 

Common Law of England, real estate, 
297. 

Common, preaching on tlie, 332. 

Commons, rebellious, 317. (See Souse, 
Parliament.) 

Commonnealth : chapter, 1-43; Protes- 
tant reform, 1-4 ; toleration a slow 
growth, 4-8 ; a divine commonwealth 
to be established, 8, 9 , germ of char- 
ters, 9-11; trade-guilds, 11-15; pro- 
visions for the colony, 15-17 ; appeals, 
16-19 ; illustration, IS, 19 ; scope of 
franchise, 19, 20 ; legal history, 20-23 ; 
law disregarded, 23 ; Bible basis, 24 ; 
classes, 25; clerical influence, 25-30; 
synod of 1648, 30, 31 ; regard for min- 
isters, 31, 32 ; illustrative quarrel, 33, 
34 ; pulpit exei'cises frequent, 34, 35 ; 
hold on people, 35, 40 ; duty to sup- 
press dissent, 35-39 ; punishments, 39, 
40 ; examples, 40, 41 ; law of growth, 
41-43 ; laws in name of, 181 ; skill 
for, 187 ; too tender, 197 ; word offi- 
cially used, 204, 205. (See Massachu- 
setts.) 

Commonwealth of Saints, 98. (See Pu- 
ritan.) 

Company of Massachusetts Bay : corpo- 
rate powers, 189 ; dissolution, 216. (See 
Corporation, Governor. ) 

Comprehension : doctrine of, 4, 5 ; in 
practice, 8. 

Communicants, as voters, 26, 242. (See 
Franchise. ) 

Communion : exclusion, 79, 80, 119 ; 
-withdrawal, 81 ; renounced, 110 ; de- 
clared free, 115, 116 ; admission guard- 
ed, 242 ; open, 243 ; candidates, 253. 
(See Church.) 

Confessional, established, 45. 

Confessions, not Scriptural, 316. 

Conformity, and priestliood {q. v.), 134. 

Congregational Church (q. v.), not con- 
cili:.ted, 342. 

Congregational Elders (q. v. ) : revenge- 
ful, 328 ; passions, 336. 

Congregationalism, Dexter's, on the Bap- 
tists ((/. r.), 135. (See As to Roger 
Williams. ) 

Congregationalism : opposed to Presby- 
terianism, S ; theory of, 29 ; authority 
on, 96 ; Stone's definition, 97 ; hierar- 
chy, 100 ; mutual guard, 242 ; cause 
given away, 250 ; secession, 364. 

Coneregationalists : owning territory, 
136 ; issue with Quakers, 163 ; free- 
dom, 210 ; rip<^ for rebellion, 339. 

Congregational Ministers (q. v. ) : arro- 
gance, 249 ; Mather not one, 251. 

Congreg.itional Worship, attendance 
compulsory, 209. 

Congregation, or town (q. t>.), 26. (See 
Communion, Franchise.) 

Congregations : shrunk, 96 ; not united, 
205. 



Congress, first prayer, 345. (See Conti- 
nental.) 

Connecticut Church Documents : Epis- 
copal mission, 324-326 ; letters, 327 ; 
loyal clergy, 343. (See Episcopal ) 

Connecticut : proposals, 192 ; charter, 
292 ; celebrated case, 296 ; Winthrop 
property, 297 ; adherence to policy, 
201 ; inroad, 324 ; mission, 325 • loyal 
Episcopalians, 343. 

Connecticut Records, law-cases, 301. 

Conquest : charter (g. v.), 10 ; merchants, 
13. 

Conscience : constrained, 115 ; liberty 
denied, 189 ; conceded, 207. 

Conservatism : opposite of variation, 
129 ; struggle with liberality, 172. 

Conservatives, in possession, 238. 

Constables : fined, 139 ; order, 155 , 
wicked, 158. 

Constitutional Jurisprudence, a corner- 
stone, 307. 

Constitution: written by lawyers, 292; 
and Parliament, 302 ; drafted, 303 ; 
and charter, 304-30C ; John Adams's 
views, 307 ; fvmdamental charter (g. 
t;.), 319. 

Continental Congress {q. v.), first ses- 
sions, 307. 

Conversion, extremely difficult, 79. (See 
Commu7iio7i.) 

Conversions, numerous, 333. 

Convocations, not Biblical, 316. 

Cooke, Elislia, colonial agent, 219. 

Cooper, Rev. Mr., and Mather, 249. 

Cooper, Rev. Samuel : Revolutionary 
praj'er, 352 ; theological jealousy, 3C3. 

Coordinate Departments of Govern- 
ment, not understood, 293, 294. 

Copeland, John, mutilated, 185. 

Corahism, a great peril, 116. (See 
Korah.) 

Corporation of Massachusetts (q. v.), 
buying land, 58. (See Charter.) 

Corporations : represented in Parlia- 
ment, 11, 12 ; rules, 16 ; how con- 
trolled, 18 ; Kyd on, 20 ; colonial, 21, 
22 ; suijject to law, 21 ; constitution, 
20 ; admission to, 180 ; within the 
realm, 181 ; judicial escape, 190 ; erect- 
ed by trading-companies, 261. 

Cory, Goodwife Martha : trial, 224 ; gal- 
lows, 230. 

Cory, Jonathan, wife, 255. 

Cotton, Rev. John : opinion given, 28 ; 
on persecution, 35, 36 ; letter to, 39 ; 
pastorate, 47 ; preaching grace, 49 ; 
followed, 50 ; differences, 51 ; dissent, 
52 ; teacher, 54 ; siding with Wheel- 
wright, 57 ; submission, 00 ; opinions 
stated, 62, 68; witness, 69-73; sym- 
pathy with Mrs. Hutchinson, 71 ; ad- 
monition, 76 ; fate, 95 ; death, 98 ; in- 
tellect, 99; hospitality, 100; leader, 
101 ; Partridge's case, 102 ; infant bap- 
tism, 112 ; son, 159 ; successor, 187. 

Cotton, Rev. Seaborn : persecution, 158 ; 



INDEX. 



371 



trickery, 159 ; dishonesty, 160 ; re- 
buked, 160. 

Council : how chosen, 217, 219 ; blamed 
by Mather, 275 ; power, 305. 

Counties, incorporated, 23, 181. 

Court of Assistants {q. v.) : appeal to, 
24; privileges, 25. {See General.) 

Court of Chancery, writ, 212, 213. 

Covenant of Free Grace, 53, 57. 

Covenant of Grace, 52, 53, 57, 68. 

Covenant of Works, 50, 55, 56, 63, 67, 68, 
70. 

Coventry, Henry, question about, 199. 

CrandaU, John : at Lynn, 111 ; bail, 114. 

Crawford, James, testimony, 351. 

Creed, submission to, essential to cler- 
ical power, 177. 

Cromwell, OUver ; love of freedom, 5-8 ; 
speech, 7 ; saints, 25 ; on the clergy, 
31, 32 ; and Scotch divines, 51 ; friend 
of Wheelwright, 54 ; an Independent, 
95 ; Uttle love for, 180 ; like Washing- 
ton, 317. 

Cross: in baptism, 3; on flag {q. v.), 
104 ; mark of beast, 326. 

Cuslung, Justice, letter from John Ad- 
ams, 302. 

Custom : creating Institutions, 97 ; fix- 
ity, 129. 

Cutler, Rev Timothy : turning Episco- 
palian {q. v.), 328; pressure and ordi- 
nation, 330 ; letter to Gray, 332, 333 ; 
social blood, 342. 

Daleymple, Colonel, conference, 353, 

354. 
Danby, Lord : premier, 196 ; rise, 197. 
Dand, John : petition, 88 ; fine, 91-93. 
Danforth, Deputy - Govenior Thomas : 

speech, 33 ; senior associate, 294. 
Danforth, Rev. S., Quaker annoyance, 

321. 
Daniel the Prophet, allusion, 72. 
Dartmouth, Mass., godly preachers iu, 

321. 
Davenport, Rev. John, to Leverett, 196. 
Deane, Thomas, case, 194. 
De Berdt, instructions to, 345. 
Declaration of Rights, 318. 
Democracy : silent, 97 ; modem, 317. 
Dennison, Major - General : reply to 

Southwick, 170 ; right instinct, 173 ; 

prophecy, 182. 
Deputies : disagree with Assistants (q. 

v.), 83 ; Plymouth, 85. 
De Ruyter, Admiral, navy, 196. 
Disputation on baptism, 121. 
Dissenters, early grievances, 320. 
Dissenting Ministers, protest against 

Boston persecution, 125. 
Divine Revelation (q. v.), limited, 48. 

(See God.) 
Dogs, killed for witchcraft, 227. 
Dover, England, treaty, 196. 
Dover, N. H. : heretics seized, 148; land- 
ing, 155 ; constables, 155 ; warrant, 

IM ; Rayner'g merriment, 156, 176. 



Drapers, organized, 12, 16. 

Duch(5, Rev. Jacob, prayer in Congress, 

345. 
Dudley, Governor Joseph : career, 277 ; 

character, 278 ; congratulated, 279 ; 

task not half done, 280 ; letters from 

the Mathers, 281-284 ; reply, 284, 285. 
Dudley, Governor Thomas : poetry, 8, 

277 ; severity, 40 ; in court, 67-75 

passim ; defeating Winthrop, 98, 99 ; 

austere, 101 ; compared with son, 282. 
Dudley, Paul, legal ability, 313. 
Dundass, letter to, 31. 
Dunster, Rev. Henry: Baptist (g. v.), 

107 ; life, 108, 109 ; unmolation, 121 ; 

poor, 261. 
Dutch Settlers : massacred, 78. (See 

Holland.) 
Dyer, Mary : friendship, 77 ; hanged, 

139, 141. 

East Boston, old name, 87. (See Mav- 
erick.) 

East Guilford, Conn., pastor, 328. 

East India Company : origin, 15 ; privi- 
leges, 16 ; trade, 20 ; comparison, 59 ; 
stratagem, 138 ; oppressive, 189. 

Ecclesiastics : usefulness, 41, 42 ; and 
King William, 217 ; avarice, 320. (See 
Church, Clergy, Elders, Priesthood.) 

Education : in religion, 45 ; capability 
for, 128 ; civilizing system, 237. 

Edward IV., charter, 14. 

Edwards, Jonathan, frightening his lis- 
teners, 259. 

Elders : in Massachusetts, 27-33 ; order- 
ing business, 97 ; triumph over Win- 
throp, 99 ; entertained by him, 100 ; 
examining Quakers, 144 ; like popes, 
325 ; immense political power, 342. 
(See Church, Clergy, Priests.) 

Election, doctrine of, 8. 

Eli : and Samuel {q. v.), 258 ; judge, 
287. 

Elijah, Lord's Word, 133. 

Eliot, Rev. Andrew : anticipating war, 
341 ; letter, 342 ; remonstrance sug- 
gested, 345. 

Eliot, Rev. Jared, changing his religion, 
328. 

Eliot, Rev. John : on Cotton, 218 ; patri- 
arch and son. 249. 

Elisha : plot, 130, 134 ; conspiracy, 174. 

Endicott, Governor John : Indicott, 18 ; 
l.\nd-charge, 22 ; governor, 23 ; Hutch- 
in.sou case, 57, 59 ; on Episcopacy, 87 ; 
stprn leader, 102; historic figure, 103, 
104; trial of Baptists, 112, 113, 115; 
denunciation of heretics, 135 ; death, 
139, 142 ; king's letter, 142 ; dissatis- 
faction, 144; called names, 145; Up- 
shal, 146; sentencing Christison, 151, 
152 : Brewster rebuke, 162 ; fright- 
ened, 165 ; savage, 177 ; fears for home 
government, 184 ; hat off, 179 ; flag 
(q. v.), 347, 363; spirit, 353. 

England : Reformation, 3 ; Presbyterian- 



372 



INDEX. 



ism,?; statutes, 16; jurisprudence, 
20 ; municipal law, 21 ; letters to 
Vane, 50 ; Vane family, 51 ; corpora- 
tions, 83; Vassal's return, 84; the 
Browns sent, 87 ; churches and re- 
form, 88 ; relation to Massachusetts, 
90 ; direct government, 95 ; power de- 
fied, 104 ; shocked by Baptist trials, 
125 ; Quakers sent to, 137, 142, 147 ; 
Christison's appeal, 151 ; Southwicks, 
171 ; strained relations with Massa- 
chusetts, 179 ; ecclesiastical commis- 
sion, 184 ; clerical messengers not safe, 
186 ; offence, 188 ; safely defied, 196 ; 
dispatches, 200 ; contrary statutes, 
203 ; protection needed, 205 ; resist- 
ance to, requiring allies, 206; breach, 
211 ; Colman's voyage, 249 ; Mather's 
agency, 261; Joseph Dudley, 277; 
agency of Richards, 295 ; dispute with 
colonies, 306 ; democratic disagree- 
ment, 317 ; irritation kept alive, 320 ; 
ordinations, 330, 331 ; aiding toleration 
in America, 363. (See British, Great 
Britain.) 

EngUsh Constitution : privileges, 189 ; 
obedience to, 193. 

English Courts, sustained by force, 293. 

English Government : recalls commis- 
sioners, 195 ; debt, 196 ; restricting 
legislative power, 296. 

English Law : antagonistic legislation, 
179; sanction wrongly claimed, 180; 
spirit, 187; conflicting with colonial, 
292 ; concerning real estate, 300. 

Englishmen : rights, 9, 59 ; immunity, 
90; freebom, 91 ; mutable, 129. 

English Merchants on the Continent, 13, 
14. 

English People : as types of progress, 
44 ; right of petition, 93 ; rights vio- 
lated, 113, 163; freebom, 172. 

English Shipping, protected, 197. 

English Subjects : duty, 181 ; colonial 
jurisdiction, 189 ; liberty, 193. 

Episcopal Church (q. v.) suppressed, 
187. 

Episcopal Clergymen in Boston alarmed, 
323; devotion to England, 342; pru- 
dence, 343. 

Episcopal Colonies, bishops, 338. 

Episcopalianism : dangerous in Massa- 
chusetts, 324, success, 328. (See Con- 
necticut.) 

Episcopalians : in Boston, 95 ; commun- 
ion, 115, 116 ; complaints to the crown, 
184 ; Maverick (q. v.), 188 ; hating 
Massachusetts, 202 ; compulsory wor- 
ship, 209 ; fostering policy, 262 ; new 
usurpation, 329 ; desire for a bishop, 
331 ; exasperated, 339 ; abhorred by 
Sam. Adams, 345, 346. 

Equality before the Law : meaning, 318 ; 
comer-stone, 319. 

Equity : in legislature, 290 ; so called, 
296. 

Europe : papal influence, 1 ; awakening, 



15 : new fashions, 128 ; tradition strong, 

315, 317. 
Evacuation of Boston {q. v.), end of 

English supremacy, 303. 
Experiences, to be no longer related, 

243, 253. (See Church-membership.) 
Exposure of Person, 154, 155, 158, 1^. 

(See Quakers.) 

Fairfield, Conn., letter, 328. 

Faith, justification by, 46. 

Familists, liberty for, 85. 

Faneuil Hall, narrative read there, 360. 

Farniun : banished, 122 ; appeal, 123, 
124. 

Feudalism : system, 9, 10 ; incubus, 315. 

Fire-priest, fable, 256. 

First Day. (See Sabbath, Sunday.) 

Fisher, Mary, in Boston, 137, 143. 

Fishmongers, organized, 12. 

Flag : mutUated, 347, 363. (See Cross, 
Endicott. ) 

Flynt, tutor, 268. 

Fowle, Thomas : petition, 88 ; brought 
low, 94. 

Fox, George, conference with Brad- 
street, 185, 186. 

France : priesthood, 28 ; dangerous to 
Massachusetts, 205 ; privateers, 240 ; 
prisoners, 240. 

Franchise : secured for Massachusetts, 
20 ; with freemen, 14 ; laws amended, 
190, 192. (See Chitrch-members, Com- 
municants, Voters.) 

Freeholders : religious rights, 187 ; pe- 
cuniary franchise, 217. 

Freemen : in Massachusetts, 15 ; suffrage 
and church-membership, 80 ; liberal 
qualifications, 211. 

Free Speech, right, 59. 

Free Thought : root of the Common- 
wealth, 215. 

Friends. (See Quakers.) 

Gage, General : command of troops, 
352 ; in Boston, 362. 

General Assembly (q. v.) : old act re- 
vived, 280 ; Dudley and Mather disa- 
greement, 283 ; councillors elected by, 
293 ; Connecticut, 297 ; Episcopal can- 
didates, 331. 

General Court (q. v.) : organized, 15 ; of 
all freemen, 23 ; first, 23 ; jKJwer, 24 ; 
vacancy, 27 ; trial, 27, 28 ; decisions, 
29, 30 ; declaration in 1S68, 30, 31 ; 
submissive to clergy, 34 ; remon- 
strances, 39 ; Wilson's speech, 52 ; 
Hingham case, 82-84 ; Anabaptists, 
105, 106 ; secretaries, 120 ; neglects 
royal demands, 188 ; reconsiders them, 
190 ; answer to commissioners, 193 ; 
proclamation, 194; decision to obey, 
201 ; reviving oath, 203 ; building 
churches, 206 ; disregarding royal let- 
ter, 208 ; college charter, 261 ; Ma- 
ther's English journey, 265 ; settle- 
ment of college, 267 ; Mather's prom- 



INDEX. 



373 



Ise, 273; capital punishments, 289 
in Constitution, 305 ; clerical settle 
ments, 321 ; Episcopal memorial, 323 
fears for hierarchy, 341 . 

Gentry, class, 25. 

George III. : reaction under, 318 ; ally 
lost, 342 ; no rights, 347. 

German Traders, in Loudon, 13. 

Germany : outbreak, 137, 140 ; scientific 
tendency, 238. 

Gibbons, Sarah : fanatic, 143 ; bottles, 
146. 

Gloucester, England, See of, refused, 3. 

God : justice, 36 ; denied, 39 ; direct rev- 
elation (5. v.), 172 ; and Satanic power, 
222, 223 ; praise from witchcraft, 232. 

Gold, Rev. Hezekiah, correspondence, 
333,334. 

Goldsmiths, organized, 12. 

Goodwin Children, mimics, 221, 222. 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinand© : representative 
of despotic policy, 179 ; grant, 183 ; 
claim justified, 195 ; claim sold, 202. 
(See Mason.) 

Gorton, Samuel : case, 40, 41 ; rancor, 
99 ; ordeal. 111 ; crusade, 117 ; assailed 
by Cobbett, 118 ; clerical visitation, 
145 ; troublesome, 182 ; tribunal of 
elders 291. 

Gould, 'Thomas : doubts, 118, 119 ; 
churched, 120 ; banished, 122 ; appeal, 
123, 124 ; eluding olBcers, 125 ; past 
hope, 126. 

Governor and Company of Massachu- 
setts (q. V.) Bay : charter, 9, 15 : con- 
trol, 18 ; deciding franchise, 91 ; Deane 
case, 194. 

Governor : negative by the crown, 188 ; 
power, 293, 305 ; elective, 306. 

Gray's Ropew-alk, trouble, 350. 

Great Britain : slighted, 181 ; fostering 
Episcopacy, 262 ; resisted by Massa- 
chusetts, 315 ; careless colonial rule, 
316 ; acrimony towards, 319 ; not con- 
ciliating the Congregationalists, 342 ; 
no desire to separate, 347. (See Eng- 
land, New England.) 

Green's Lane, Revolution, 351. 

Grey, Zachary, letters to, 331-333. 

Gridley, Jeremiah, graduation, 302. 

Grocers, organized, 12. 

Guild Hall, 12. 

Guilds : established, 10-12 ; protection, 
13 ; mediaeval verbiage, 306. 

Habit, defined, 44. 

Hale, Rev. Mr., wife denounced, 227. 

Hampden, John, liberality, 7. 

Hampton, N. H., constables, 155. 

Hanse Merchants : London life, 13 ; pow- 
ers, 21. 

Hart, Rev. John, Episcopalian, 328. 

Harvard College : Willard, 105 ; Dun- 
ster, 107 ; guarded by ecclesiastics, 
239 ; fellows, 244 ; chapter, 255-285 ; 
ecclesiastical foundation, 255 ; Ma- 
ther's avarice, 260, 261 ; presidency. 



261-262 ; Mather's degree and influ- 
ence, 262 ; anxious to get a cliarter in 
England, 263-272 ; sectarian charter, 
266 ; new settlement, 268 ; Mather's 
salary, 271 ; Bellomont's appointment 
as agent, 272; president's non-resi- 
dence, 272-274 ; WiUard's appoint- 
ment, 274; Se wall and Mather difficul- 
ty, 275-277 ; Leverett and Brattle's 
influence, 277-279; Dudley and the 
Matliers, correspondence, 278-285 ; 
liberal university lulling the church, 
279 ; the Matliers to sliare their rule, 
285. (See Leverett, John.) 

Hat : worn by Quakers, 140, 168-170 ; 
not removed, 171 ; Robinson's reply, 
176 ; Endicott's removal, 199. 

Haynes Case, 40. 

Haynes, Governor John, upbraiding 
Wmthrop, 99. 

Heatlicote, Colonel : Episcopal mission, 
324 ; agent, 327. 

Henderson, Rev. Mr., address, 6. 

Henry VI., statutes, 20. 

Heury VII., statutes, 15, 20. 

Henry VIII., bigotry, 115. 

Heresy : proved, 03 ; punishable, 98, 
103, 104 ; heresie, 103 ; speculative 
and practical, 120. (See Orthodoxy.) 

Heretics : succored, 115 ; killed, 137 ; 
stubborn, 321. 

Hierarchy : toils, 2 ; influence, 3 ; Jew- 
ish traditions, 129 ; destiny, 243 ; 
feared, 341. 

Higginson, Rev. John : in Salem, 23 ; 
severity, 135 ; ordination, 153 ; attack 
on liberal church, 244. 

Hilkiali : high-priest, 286, 287 ; master- 
stroke, 291. 

Hindoos : as a type, 44 ; mutability, 129 ; 
caste, 238 ; how taught, 258. 

Hindostan : trade, 21 ; compulsory re- 
ligion, 59 ; criminal jurisdiction, 138. 

Hingham, Mass. : military case, 82, 83 ; 
Vassal, 84. (See Hubbert, Peter.) 

Holland : Puritans, 3 ; trade, 14, 15 ; war 
declared, 196. 

Hollis, Rev. Mr. : prophecy, 341 ; letters 
from Eliot, 342, 315. 

Holmes, Rev. Obediah : pastorate, 110 ; 
Lynn, 111 ; trial, 112, 113 ; whipped, 
114 ; succored, 115 ; allusion, 309. 

Hooker, Rev. Thomas, preaching, 35. 

Hooper, Rev. John, refuses bishopric, 
3. 

Hooton, Elizabeth : on the list, 143 ; 
prLson, 147 ; retura to Massachusetts, 
148 ; punished, 149. 

House of Commons : struggle with Stu- 
arts, 4 ; corrupt, 12 ; grievance, 59 ; 
contest with Charles II., 208. (See 
Parliament.) 

House of Representatives, chosen by 
towns, 217. (See General.) 

Hubbard, Rev. William, on John Cot- 
ton, 60, 61. 

Hubbert (Hobart), Rev. Peter : military 



374 



INDEX. 



case, 82-84 ; Plymouth, 89, 90 ; fate, 
95. (See Hingham.) 

Huldah the Prophetess, 287. 

Human Mind, mechanical, 237. 

Humphrys, Kobert : retained, 212 ; story 
of the rt-rit, 213. 

Hutchinson, Anne : in Boston, 47-50 ; 
meetings, 48, 49 ; examined, 58 ; dealt 
with by Cotton, 62 ; fate, C5, G6 ; trial, 
66-78 ; vindictively punished, 92 ; ran- 
cor, 99 ; clerical visitation, 145 ; braiu 
reeling, 160 ; slaughter and terror, 
259 ; allusion, 309. 

Hutchinson, Governor Thomas: offices, 
295 ; abuse of equity, 296 ; suggestion, 
311 ; the massacre, 313 ; mobbed, 339, 
340, 349 ; M.iyhe\v to, 341 ; Revolution- 
ary spirit, Sam. Adams, 353 ; fight, 
354 ; reprieving prisoners, 360. 

Idolatry, punished, 98. 

Independence : not dreamed of, 341 ; 
drift, 342 ; first thought of, 347. 

Independents : in Parliament, 5 ; big- 
otry, 6, 7 ; Vassal, 95 ; communion, 
115 ; in Tiverton and Dartmouth, 
322 ; treatment of Muirson, 326. 

Indians : land-sale, 77, 78 ; massacre, 
78 ; threaten the English, 86 ; small- 
pox, 87 ; compared with Baptists, 117 ; 
causing anxiety, 196 ; Philip's war, 197, 
198. 

Individual Liberty {q. v.), era, 314. 

Inertia, human, 129. 

Infant Baptism {q. v.) : general, 8 ; de- 
fended, 105 ; assailed, 106 ; denied, 
112 ; slighted in church, 118 ; Gould, 
118, 119 ; Mather's declaration, 127. 
(See Anabaptists, Antipcedobaptism, 
PcBdobapiism.) 

Infidelity, in Boston, 332. 

Inner light : not tolerated, 48 ; op- 
posed to Bible guidance, 134 ; vapor 
of hell, 153. (See Quakers.) 

Inquisition ; horrors, 177. 

Ipswich, Mass. : court there, 24 ; pastor- 
ate, 60; constables, 155; judges, 160. 

Israel : purged, 122 ; led into sin, 130 ; 
Baal, 133, 134 ; Corahism, 257 ; 
judged, 287. (See Ahab, Jews, Sam- 
uel.) 

Jay, John, loyalty to England, 317. " 
Jefferson, Thomas : loyalty to mother 

country, 317 ; preferring peace, 346. 
Jehoram (Joram), reign, 130. 
Jehu : elevated, 130-134 ; conspiracy, 

174. 
Jeroboam : offending priesthood, 130 ; 

destroyed, 131 ; sin, 174. 
Jesuits : deserve lianging, 19 ; death in 

England, 1S5 ; flexibility, 345. 
Jews : liberty, 85 ; priestly training, 

259 ; method of progress, 314. 
Jezebel : name for Mrs. Hutchinson, 75, 

77 ; religion, 130 ; death, 131, 132. 
Jezreel, slaughter, 131-133, 



Johnson, Rev. Samuel : on Maverick, 
86 ; on petition, 93 ; tunung Episco- 
palian, 328 ; pressure and ordination, 
330 ; desire for bishops, 331 ; corre- 
spondence reviled, 333 ; overthrow of 
charter, 339 ; ties of blood, 342. 

Josselyn, at Maverick's, 87. 

Joy, a carpenter, punished, 93. 

Judiciary : independent, 293, 294 ; stain 
on Massachusetts, 225 ; English, 296. 

Jurisprudence : shaped, 11 ; English, 
20. 

Justicers, twelve, 14. 

Justices, commissions, 294. 

Kennel WORTH, Conn., pastor, 328. 

Kent, Rev. Mr., suspended, 332. 

King Philip's War : beginning, 196, 198 ; 
end, 202. 

King's Bench : power, 20 ; warrant, 
207. 

Kings, Books of : veracity, 129 ; theoc- 
racy, 130-134 ; ritual, 286 ; royal af- 
fairs, 287. 

King's Chapel, governor's church, 324. 

King's Name : insisted upon, 83 ; war- 
rant, 93, 155, 156 ; not on writs, 181 ; 
justice, 187 ; demanded, 192 ; omitted, 
204, 205. 

King Street, in Revolution, 351, 356, 
357. 

Kuight, Thomas, deposition, 351. 

Korah (Corah, q. v.): sons of, 37, 89 ; 
Indian story, 256, 257 ; comparison 
with Cobnan, 259. 

Laity, submissive, 98. (See Clergy.) 

Land, granted, 12, 13. 

La Tour, defeated, 87. 

Laud, Archbishop : misjudged, 4, 5 ; 
atrocities, 177 ; head of commission, 
179. 

Law : abolished, 49 ; study suppressed, 
294. 

Lawyers : chapter, 286-313 ; priestly, 
286 ; Old Testament, 286-288 ; canon- 
ical law, 287 ; lay power, 288 ; peculiar 
direction of thought in Massachusetts, 
288, 289 ; vicious tradition, 289 ; un- 
trained magistrates, 290 ; Bible illus- 
tration, 291 ; supreme clerical tribu- 
nal, 291, 292; constitutional limita- 
tions begim, 293, 294 ; first chief jus- 
tice, 294 ; other magistrates, 295 ; 
court of last resort, 295, 296 ; famous 
race of lawj'ers, 302, 303 ; forming a 
new government, 303, 304 ; service of 
the profession to liberty, 309 ; Adams 
and Quincy, 311-313. 

Lecture Day, 76, 169. 

Lectures, a burden, 34. 

Lechford, on church - membership, 80. 

Lechmere, Aime (Wiiithrop), 297, 298. 

Lechmere, Thomas, law-case, 297, 302. 

Leddra, Wimam : hanged, 18, 139, 141, 
151 ; prison, 141 ; effect on others, 
151 ; Salem, 164. 



INDEX. 



376 



Loe, Richard Henry, constitutional law, 
307. 

Legislature, special powers, 293, 296. 
(See General Court.) 

Leicester Guild, 10, 11. 

Leistor, blood of, 2S2. 

Leverett, John : witchcraft protest, 228 ; 
college power, 239 ; favorite pupil, 
240 ; new liberal church, 241 ; courage, 
244 ; dangerous, 248 ; control of Har- 
vard, 261, 277 ; name struck off, 266 ; 
dissatisfied, 268 ; opportunity waited 
for, 272 ; not ejected, 276 ; influencing 
Dudley, wretch, 278 ; made president, 
279 ; inauguration, 280 ; broadening 
influence, 320. 

Leverett, Gov. John : as a witness, 69, 
70 ; elected, 126 ; letter to Endicott, 
184 ; letter from Davenport, 195, 
196 ; gubernatorial contempt, 199, 
200 ; last interviews, 200 ; concessions, 
203 ; death, 205 ; hat on, 317 ; insult- 
ing Randolph, 363. 

Levitical Code, 45. 

Leviticus, Book of, ritual, 286. 

Lewis, Colonel, pleas for robbery, 336. 

Lexington, Mass. : soldiers, 313 ; music 
of gxxns, 347 ; glorious morning, 362. 

Leyden, Holland, Puritans, 3. 

Ley, Lord, with Maverick, 87. 

Liberalism : growing in Boston, 57 ; 
crushed, 65 ; progress and preponder- 
ance, 238 ; triumph in Harvard, 281. 

Liberality : fight with conservatism, 
172 ; birthriglit, 362 ; tendency of 
preaching, 363. 

Liberals : early in Boston, 50 ; will pen- 
etrate, 239 ; forcing orthodoxy, 243 ; 
have penetrated, 254 ; regret resist- 
ance, 346. 

Liberal Thought, antagonized naturally, 
43. 

Liberty : limited, 6 ; fundamental strug- 
gle, 163 ; of action won, 315. 

Liddal, John, apprehended, 149. 

Litui-gy, encouraged, 324. 

Livery Companies : twelve, 12 ; condi- 
tion, 16. (See Gruilds. ) 

London, England (g. v.) : meeting there, 
5 ; a corporation, 12 ; foreign mer- 
chants, 13 ; guilds, 16 ; liberties, 17 
Steel Yard, 21 ; Winslow's mission 
94 ; Norton's mission, 137 ; charter of 
Massnchusptts proceeded against, 190 
agents return to, 195 ; restive mer- 
chants, 197 ; Randolph's report, 207 
agents rejected, 210 ; Mather's col 
leagues excluded, 220 ; Colman, 240 
ordination, 242 ; opinion about Ma 
ther, 251; will -case argued, 301 
bishop (q. v.), 323. 

London Weavers, 17. 

Long Island, massacre, 78. 

Long Parliament (q. v.): meeting, 23; 
warning to New England, 39. 

Louis XIV. and Charles II., 196. 

Luther, Martin : freedom, 46 ; spirit, 49. 



Lynde, Benjamin, responsibility, 313. 
Lynn, Mass. : Baptist troubles, 111 ; 
constables, 155. 

Mackenzie, letter from Washington, 
346. 

Maine : Quakers, 155 ; quarrel with Mas- 
sachusetts, 183 ; commissioners and 
separation, 194 ; interference forbid- 
den, 195 ; reoccupied, 197 ; for Mon- 
mouth, 202 ; purchase rebuked, 205 ; 
consolidated with other colonies, 
217. 

Magistracy : for life, 25 ; powers, 98 ; 
subordinate to clergy, 289-291. 

Magistrates : duties, 293, 294 ; no train- 
ing, 295. (See Court.) 

Major-general, chosen, 24. (See Denni- 
son.) 

Marshall, Rev. Mr., long prayer, 5. 

Marston, William, 159. 

Mason, agency, 200. 

Mason and Gorges {q. v.) : land-grant, 
183 ; heirs and claims, 184, 197, 198 ; 
hating the Commonwealth, 202. 

Massachusetts : settlers, 7 ; settlement, 
9 ; officers, 15, 21, 25 ; laws, 16 ; eccle- 
siastical party, 19 ; franchise, 20 ; 
elections, 24 ; clergy, 26-33 ; strained 
claim, 59 ; liberalism put down, 65 ; 
Anne Hutchinson's name, 77, 78 ; 
Vassal's relation to, 84 ; relation to 
England, 90 ; steps to suppress peti- 
tion, 91 ; dominating spirit, 102 ; un- 
comfortable for Baptists, 109, 111 ; 
Clark's departure, 110 ; foremost in 
liberty, 127 ; policy towards Qua- 
kers, 134 ; right of residence, 136 ; cit- 
izens maltreated, 173 ; relation to 
Great Britain, 179 ; feeble, 179, 180 ; 
arrogant, 181 ; government in danger, 
182 ; feuds with the north, 182 ; royal 
letters, 186 ; eminent men, 187 ; pecul- 
iar corporation, 190 ; address to king, 
191 : stubborn, 192 ; contr.ast with 
other colonies, 193 ; unmolested. 196 ; 
violation of revenue, 197 ; Randolph's 
mission, 198 ; fruit of policy, 201 ; ene- 
mies and boundaries, 202 ; statutes 
contrary to the mother country, 203 ; 
willingness to throw off the yoke, 205, 
206 ; secularization of government, 
210 ; reorganized, three agents in 1692, 
216; consolidated, 217 ; province, 217, 
218 ; era of development, 236 ; destiny 
of hierarchy, 243 ; no opposition to 
Mather, 262 ; debt to Dudley, 277 ; 
less liberal policy of England toward, 
292 ; permeated with theocratic tra- 
ditions, 302 ; justice in, pure, 309 ; lib- 
eral movement, 309 : conduct about 
witches, 310 ; colonized by radicals, 
315 ; acrimony towards mother coun- 
try, 319, 320 ; established church 
strangled, 324 ; revolutionary, 342 ; 
laymen brought forward by clergy, 
344. (See America, Botton, Common- 



376 



INDEX. 



wealth, England, General Court, Gov- 
ernor, New England.) 

Massachusetts Acts, royal assent re- 
quired, 301. 

Massachusetts Assembly, limits to pa- 
tience, 272. (See General Court.) 

Massachusetts Bay : chief magistrate, 
66 ; compared with Plymouth, S5 ; ju- 
risdiction transferred, 86. 

Massachusetts Bay Company, organised, 
23. 

Massachusetts Charter {q. v.) : illegally 
assailed, 189 ; proceeded against in 
England, 190 ; freemen, 210 ; pur- 
chased, 212 ; compared with Constitu- 
tion, 304-300. 

Massachusetts Constitution (5. v.), as a 
model, 308, 309. 

Mather Family : tools, 225 ; again at 
work, 232 ; Margaret Rule's convul- 
sions, 232 - 234 ; exuberant imagina- 
tion, 247; muzzled, 248; Brattle 
church agreement, 249 ; tract, 252 ; 
piteous prayers, 253 ; morally de- 
bauched, 275 ; conciliated by Dudley, 
278 ; beaten, 281 ; eminent piety, 321 ; 
maddened, 363. 

Mather, Rev. Cotton : on Mitchell, 122 ; 
influence and pastorate, 218 ; on his 
father, 218, 219; new officers, 220; 
element, study, 222 ; account pub- 
lished, 223 ; goading congregation, 223 ; 
inflaming crowd, 227 ; Pliips's appeal, 
229 ; book, 229, 230 ; pride, 232 ; cow- 
ering, 234; Rule exorcism, 233-235; 
diary on liberal church, 245, 246 ; ec- 
clesiastical arrogance shown, 249 ; 
torments of the bewitched, 259 ; in- 
terested in the English journey, 267- 
270 ; talking sharply, 275 ; letter to 
Dudley, 283, 284 ; ready for sunset, 
284 ; petition, 322 ; Webb letter, 329 ; 
loose with money, 345. 

Mather, Rev. Increase : communion, 115, 
116 ; character extolled, 127 ; leading 
rebellion, 212 ; agency to London, 216, 
219 ; opposed to royal decree, 217 ; in- 
fluence and pastorate, 218 ; described, 

218, 219 ; singular political change, 

219, 220 ; book on witchcraft, 221 ; 
burning a book publicly, 236 ; fatal 
limits, 239 ; Cambridge platform re- 
newed, 244 ; letter to a heretic minis- 
ter, 248 ; sermon on Peace, 249 ; slight- 
ed and doubted, 251 ; denouncing Col- 
man, 259 ; possible failings, 260 ; presi- 
dency and politics, 261 ; untrammelled 
master, degree, 262 ; agent for Har- 
vard, 263 ; prayers about the English 
journey, 263-271 ; corporation meet- 
ing, suffering, 268 ; residence at Cam- 
bridge, and great love of preaching, 
271, 272; absence from college, 273; 
blazoning self, 274 ; Scriptural exposi- 
tion, threatens Sewall, 276 ; prescience, 
279 ; to Dudley, 282 ; instigating choice 
of chief justice, 2iU ; bailed, 295. 



Matriarchal Period, Indians, 256. 

Maverick, Samuel : historic relief, 86 ; 
restive, 87 ; petition, 88 ; fine, 91, 93; 
absence, 94 ; return, 95 ; religion, co- 
ercion, 96 ; pressure for liberty, 188. 

Mayhew, Rev. Jonathan : acrid, 335 
tract, 337 ; archbishop's reply, 338 
answered, 339 ; seditious sermon, 340 
letter to Governor Hutchinson, 341 
hatred towards England, 363. 

Mayor, powers, 13. 

Medway River, fleets, 196. 

Meeting-houses : permission to build, 31 ; 
building a crime, 206. (See Churches.) 

MeUent, Earl of, 10. 

Mercers : organized, 12 ; abroad, 14. 
(See Guilrts.) 

Merchant Adventurers : abuses, 15 ; ex- 
actions, 180. 

Merchant Guilds : in Leicester, 10, 11 
Flanders, 14. 

Merrimack River : land grant, 21, 22 
Umits, 183. 

Middle Ages : feudal, 9 ; stagnation, 15 
lasting customs, 315 ; gone, 317. 

Middlesex County, Revolution, 362. 

Milburu, blood of, 282. 

Militia, interference of clergy, 81, 82. 

Milton, John, religion, 95. 

iilinisters : honored by Winthrop, 32 ; 
reviling Quakers, 92 ; prodigious influ- 
ence, 218. (See Church, Clergy, Eccle- 
siastics, Elders, Priests.) 

Missionaries : Episcopal in New Eng- 
land, 327 ; converting people, 330. 

Mitchel, Rev. Jonathan : Shepard, 32 ; 
baptism, 107 ; salvation sought, 109 ; 
arguments, 121, 122. 

Money, coined, 24. (See Coining.) 

Monmouth, Duke of, settlement on, 
202. 

Monopolies, under Charles I., 59. 

Montgomery, struck, 351. 

Morton, Rev. John, fervor over his death, 
266. 

Morton, Thomas, punishment, 92. 

Mosaic Law, reproduction, 259. 

Moses : opposed, 257 ; Corah, 259 ; au- 
thor of ritual, 295. (See Pentateuch.) 

Mount WoUaston, Mass. : church, 54 ; 
Mrs. Hutcliinson, 77. 

Muirson, Rev. George : prosel3-ting tour, 
325 ; letter, 325, 326. (See Connecti- 
cut, Episcopal.) 

Munroe, Mr., evidence, 358. 

Munster, Germany, disturbances, 140. 

Naboth's Vineyard : illustration, 159 ; 
colonial comparison, 212. 

Narragansett Bay, exiles, 77. (See 
Hnichinson, Rhode I.<:land, Williams.) 

Naseby Battle, end of danger, 179. 

Navigation Acts : violated, 197 ; legal 
views, 200 ; breach, 203. 

New England : charters (g. ?'.), 15 ; three 
classes, 25 ; clerical hold, 35 ; perse- 
cution, 39-41 ; rebels coming to, 43 ; 



INDEX. 



377 



formalism, 46 ; franchise aod church, 
80 ; no place for Episcopacy, 87 ; pri- 
macy, 100 ; Anabaptists, 105 ; Mitchell, 
109 ; clerical aristocracy, 127 ; syllo- 
gism, 134 ; Intolerance, 140 ; inspired 
visit, 162 ; traffic in humanity, 177 ; 
battle for liberty won, 178 ; Claren- 
don's policy, 184 ; deputies to Loudon, 
185 ; persecutions, ISO ; cabinet com- 
mission, 188 ; carrying trade, 198 ; au- 
ditor-general appointed, 207 ; natural 
vigor, 227, 228 ; end of witchcraft, 
236 ; first doctor's degree, 262 ; gen- 
eral religious profession, 266 ; rising 
ministry, 279 ; constitutional concep- 
tions of, 308 ; Anglican interference, 
327 ; bishops, 338, 341 ; alarm about 
Episcopacy, 341. (See America, Bos- 
ton, Massachusetts.) 

New Hampshire : quarrel, 183 ; Ran- 
dolph, 200 ; exception from Randolph's 
office, 207. (See Maine.) 

New Haven, Conn., pastor, 195. 

Newhouse, Thomas : turbulent, 143 ; ar- 
rested, 149 ; whipped, 150. 

New Jersey, John Adams's opinions re- 
quested, 308. 

New London, Conn., Wintlirop family, 
297. 

Newman, Rev. Mr., pastorate, 110. 

New Meeting House, disturbance, 161. 

Newport, R. I., Baptist church in, 110, 
111. 

Newtown Clmrch, pastor, 344. 

New York : Dutch, 190 ; campaign, 191 ; 
governor, 202 ; book printed, 252 ; 
rueful business, 283 ; religious inroad 
on Connecticut, 324. 

Nichols, Colonel Richard, commissioner, 
188. 

Noddle's Island : Maverick {q. v.), 86, 
87 ; escaped prisoner, 125. 

Non-conformist Ministers, protest, 39, 
40. 

Non-conformity in England, 7. (See 
Congregational, Puritans, Presbyte- 
rians. ) 

Northampton, Mass., pastor, 33. 

North Carolina, a demand for John 
Adams's views, 307. 

North Cliurch, reluctance of Mather to 
settle in, 200. 

North Haven, Conn., pastor, 328. 

Norton, Rev. John : leadership, 102 ; 
traits, 103 ; fanaticism, 115 ; fierce- 
ness, 135, 141 ; influence and death, 
137 ; inspiring a law, 138 : royal let- 
ter, 142; church scene, 140; blazing 
spirit, 165, 166 ; snare, 169 ; sneers, 
176 ; persecuted, 321 ; spirit, 353. 

Nottingham, Earl of, letter, 229. 

Nowell, Mr., in court, 72, 73. 

Noyes, Rev. Nicholas : prayer, 224 ; 
duplicity, 225 ; eight firebrands, 230 ; 
attack on liberal church, 244. 

Numbers, Book of, 257. 

Nutter, Hate-evil, a persecutor, 158. 



Oakes, Thomas, colonial agent, 219. 

Oath of Allegiance : insiSScient, 174 ; 
revived, 203. 

Obrey, Governor, 14. 

Old North {q. v.) Church, pastors, 218. 

Old South : disturbance, 143, 162 ; re- 
bellious meeting, 212 ; Willard as 
pastor, 227 ; Revolution, 353. 

Old Testament : slaughters, 129 ; the 
ceremonial process, 2S6. (See Ahab, 
Bible.) 

Oligarchy : sacerdotal, 26 ; spirit, 42 ; 
of saints, 81 ; conditions, 101. (See 
Hierarchy.) 

Oliver, Andrew, stamps, 339. 

Ordination : Episcopal, 330 ; in England, 
331. (See Colman, Salem.) 

Orthodoxy : in New England, 30, 31 ; 
flawless, 101 ; of Mitchell, 121 ; and 
franchise, 190, 192 ; of clergy, provided 
for, 242 ; of Brattle Street, 254. 

Otis, James, ability, 302. 

Oxford Parliament (5. v.), dissolution, 
208. 

Oyster Bay : a young Quakeress, 153 ; 
worship disturbed, 155. 

P.EDOBAPTISM : denied, 106 ; Mitchell's 
doubts, 107. (See Anabaptists, Bap- 
tism, Infant.) 

Painter, refusing baptism, 106. 

Paison, Edward, letter, 82. 

Palmer, Rev. Mr., sermon, 6. 

Papacy and Episcopacy {q. v.), 325, 329. 
(See Roman.) 

Papists : liberty, 85 ; excluded, 217. 

Parliament : Independents in, 5 ; disso- 
lution, 6 ; liberal members, 7 ; corpo- 
rations represented, 11 ; petition, 15 ; 
Vassal petition, 84, 88, 93, 95 ; fought 
for, 102 ; assurance from Winslow, 106, 
116 ; confidence in, 179 ; ecclesiastical 
jealousy, ISO ; interference right, ISO ; 
complaints to, 182 ; act wanting, 189 ; 
an oath required, 194 ; discord with 
the crown, 196, 199 ; nothing amiss in 
Ma'ssachusetts, 200 ; Oxford (9. v.), 
208 ; J. Dudley, 277 ; Bellomont on 
committee, 282 ; theoretically abso- 
lute, 317 ; bond fide acts, 318 ; Stamp 
Act, 343 ; to be convinced, 359. 

Parliament versus Constitution, Otis's 
argument, 302. 

Parris, Rev. Mr. : witchcraft, 224 ; du- 
plicity, 224, 225 ; complained of, 225. 

Partridge, Captain, in Boston, 102. 

Pastors : lashing the people, 223 ; how 
chosen, 243. (See Boston, Clergy, 
Ecclesiastics, Preachers, Priests.) 

Patent. (See Charter, Massachusetts.) 

Patriarchal Period, of development, 
250. 

Paul the Apostle : justification by faith, 
46 , spirit, 49 ; pestilent fellow, 57 ; 
viper, 236. 

Peasant War, repetition feared, 137. 

PembertOD, Rev. Ebenezer : friend of 



378 



INDEX. 



Colman, 240 ; promises, 241, 243 ; sup- 
porting liberal church, 244 ; college 
trustee, 280 ; strong declaration, 2S1. 

Pennsylvania Constitution, 308. 

Pentateuch : laws from, 24, 289 ; code, 
181 society reproduced, 258. (See 
Bible, Moses. ) 

Perkins, Isaac, family, 158. 

Peters (Peter), Rev. Hugh : connection 
with Hutchinson case, 49, 52, 68, 69, 
73, 74 ; character, 52 ; hindered, 343. 

Petition, Plymouth {q. v.), 85 £E. (See 
Vassal. ) 

Philip II., in England, 15. 

Philip's War, begun, 196. (See King.) 

Pliilhps, Samuel, letter, 82. 

Phillips versus Savage, decision, 301. 

Phips, Lady, accused of witchcraft, 227. 

Phips, Sir William : governor, 220 ; land- 
ing, 225 ; alarm and excuses about 
witchcraft, 228 ; letter, 228, 229 ; ap- 
proval of bill, 262 ; faction in council, 
263 ; appointing chief justice, 294 ; 
commission, 310. 

Piscataqua, Wheelwright's exile, 64. 

Plantagenets, relation to liberty, 17. 

Plantations : lords of, 198. 

Platform of Church Discipline, 30. (See 
Cambridge, Westminster.) 

Platts, Abel, military trouble, 81, 82. 

Plymouth Council, 22, 23. 

Plymouth, Mass. : foimded, 3 ; charter, 
12 ; land grant, 59 ; jurisdiction, 84, 
86, 107 ; the Vassal (?. v.) case, 84 ff. ; 
commission, 192 ; united to Boston, 
217. 

Popish Plot, attention, 205. 

Portland, Maine, boundary, 183. 

Prat, Benjamin, legal knowledge, 302. 

Preachers, government by, 290. 

Prence, of Plymouth, 85. 

Prerogative : stretched, 189 ; contempt, 
323. (See Charles.) 

Presbyterianism : less rigid, 5 ; tenden- 
cies suspected, 83 ; attempt to intro- 
duce, 95. 

Presbyterians : communion, 115 ; In- 
crease Mather, 251 ; name disgraced, 
252 ; Rhode Island, 322. 

Presbytery : rights, 7 : consulted, 79. 

Preston, Captain : frightened, 310 ; mas- 
sacre and counsel, 311 ; surrender, 
352 ; case, 357. 

Priesthood : influence, 26-28 ; rites, 44 ; 
established in Massachusetts, 129 ; 
Jewish, 130 ; requiring conformity, 
134 ; despotic, 140 ; ruling in common- 
wealth, 179 ; foundation, 193 ; power 
not relinquished, 206 ; controlling 
women and universities, 238 ; heredi- 
tary, 256 ; terror, 259 ; autocratic priv- 
ileges lost, 334. (See Clergy.) 

Priests : fighting freedom, 46 ; trium- 
phant in Massachusetts, 65 ; cringing, 
191 ; exorcism, 220. 

Prince, Mary : turbulent, 143 ; reviling 
clergy, 145. 



Privy Coimcil : committee, 198 ; inves- 
tigation, 203 ; celebrated case, 296 ; 
appeal for a will, 299 ; jurisdiction de- 
nied, 299 ; Lechmere case, 301 ; hear- 
ing about Tiverton troubles, 322. 

Protectorate, laws, 197. (See Crom- 
well.) 

Provincial Charter {q. v.), interesting, 
217. (See Massachusetts.) 

Provincial Congress (j. v.), Sam. Adams, 
3G2. 

Public Instructions, 188. 

Pulpit. (See Clergy Ecclesiastics, 
Preachers.) 

Puritan Commonwealth (q. v.) : ecclesi- 
astical, 26 ; shadows, 31 ; central point, 
97 ; molestation, 114 ; historians, 135 ; 
priestly rule, 172 ; ideal and real, 179 ; 
culmination, 195 ; great enemy, 199 ; 
perished, 215 : resistless force, 291, 
292 ; last court of resort, 295 ; church 
monopoly, 316. (See Massachusetts.) 

Puritans : name, 3 ; divided, 5 ; reasons 
for removal, 7, 8 ; franchise, 20 ; stand- 
ard of bravery, 54 ; soldier, 103 ; Bap- 
tist errors, 107 ; decorum, 148 ; and 
Charles I., 179; last, 344; courage, 
352 ; achieving destiny, 364. 

Quaker Lane, Revolution, 351. 

Quakers : in Massachusetts, 18-20 ; pun- 
islied, 39 ; chapter, 128-178 ; tenacity 
of custom, 128, 129 ; Bible illustration, 
129-134; theocratic poUcy, 134, 135; 
deprecatory arguments, 136 ; first of 
three periods, 137 ; respite, 137 ; hang- 
ing abandoned, 138 ; second and third 
epochs, 139 ; early excesses, 140 ; dates, 
141-143 ; turbulent members, 143-178 ; 
Fisher {q. v.) and Austin (q. v.), 143- 
146 ; Waugh and Gibbons, 146, 147 ; 
Chatham and Wilson, 147 ; Hooton 
and Brooksup, 147-149 ; Liddal, 159 ; 
Newhouse, 149, 150 ; Wharton, 150- 
152 ; Leddra {q. v.), 150, 151 ; the 
Smiths (q. v. ), 153 ; Wright, 154, 155 ; 
harsh description, 154 ; church dis- 
turbances, 152-155 ; Dover disturb- 
ances, 155-158 ; Wardwells, 158 161 ; 
Brewster {q. v.), 161-163; Southwicks 
(<;. v.), 163-173 ; partisan persecutors, 
173-177 ; clerical gibes, 175, 177 ; lib- 
eral outcome, 178 ; trials, 182 ; com- 
plaints to crowTi, royal order, 184 ; 
name, 185; forbearance, 186; tender- 
ness punished, 197 ; hating Massachu- 
setts, 202 ; milder treatment, 207 : no- 
tions contagious, 321 ; in Rhode Island, 
322. 

Quebec Bill, used as a goad, 346. 

Quincy, Josiah, correspondence with his 
son, 311-313. 

Quincy, Josiah, Jr., a difScult position, 
311-313. 

Quincy, Justice, testimony before, 359. 

Quincy, Mass., church, 54. 

Quo warranto : against patent, 179 ; char- 



INDEX. 



379 



/■ 



ter, 203 ; ordered, 208 ; to be served, 
211. 

Randolph, Edwabd : mission, 198 ; re- 
ception, 19D; dismissed, 200; views of 
theocracy, 200, 201 ; wrath, 201 ; ha- 
tred of Massachusetts, 202 ; new weap- 
on, 203 ; new attack, sternness, 207 ; 
to London and return, 208; severe 
words about agents, 210 ; warrant to 
be served, 211 ; suing Mather, 295 ; in- 
sulted by Leverett, 363. 

Rawson, sentence, 151. 

Rayner, Rev. Mr. : pastor, 148 ; punish- 
ing heresy, 155 ; orders death by flog- 
ging, 156 ; unseemly mirth, 176. 

Reed, Rev. Mr., changing religion, 328. 

Reformation, Protestant : aim, 2 ; in 
England, 3 ; sternest rebels, 43 ; wars, 
177 ; Commonwealth a child of, 215 ; 
principles adhered to, 266 ; wars gain- 
ing mental freedom, 315 ; exiled en- 
thusiasts, 362. 

Reform Bill, passed, 12. 

Reforming Synod : date, 33 ; colonial dif- 
ficulties, 197. 

Regeneration, doctrine, 8. 

Renaissance, 1. 

Restoration in England, colonial arro- 
gance, 181. 

Resurrection, bodily, 38. 

Revelation: all in Bible {q. v.), 134; 
highest rule, 134. (See God.) 

Revenue Acts : not pressed, 189 ; com- 
plaint of breach, 197 ; not enforced, 
207. 

Revere, Paul, ride, 362. 

Revolution, American : lawyers before , 
302 ; technically wrong, 317 ; con- 
test between dead civilization and 
modern democracy, 317, 318 ; prece- 
dent not inflexible. Declaration of 
Rights, 318 ; constitutional principles, 
319 ; sacerdotal acrimony towards 
England, 319 ; liberalizing tendency, 
320 ; clerical restlessness, 336 ; Ap- 
thorp and Styles, C36-338 ; Mayhew 
controversy, 337, 338 ; Canterbury in- 
terferes, 338, 339 ; Congregational ripe- 
ness for rebellion, 339 ; seditious ser- 
mon, 340, 341 ; Hutchinson riot, 339- 
341 ; Stamp Act, 339, 340 ; repeal not 
satisfactory to clergy, 341 ; bishops not 
wanted, 341, 342; conciliation would 
have prevented the first bloodshed in 
Boston, 342 ; prayers for royalty, so- 
cial force, 344 ; Lexington, 347 ; arri- 
val of regiments, 349 ; insurrection 
stirring, 349 ; riot at ropewalk, 350 ; 
Boston massacre, 351 - 354 ; March 
meeting, and the committee chosen, 
355, 356 ; narrative read in Faneuil 
Hall, 360 ; clergy and champion, 360, 
361 ; foundation laid, 362. 

Revolution of 1688 : Harvard College, 
261 ; Dudley's imprisonment, 277 ; 
things before, 283. 



Rex versus Preston (q. v.), 357. 

Rhode Island : Baptist refuge, 109, 110 ; 
charter, 110, 292 ; invaded, 182 ; 
proposals, 192. (See Tiverton ) 

Richards, John : agency, 208, 210, 295. 

Ritualism. (&ee Caste, Habit.) 

Robinson, Rev. John, removal, 3. 

Robinson, William : hanged, 139, 141 ; 
effect on others, 150 ; story of death, 
174-176 ; jeered, 177 ; father, 186. 

Roman Catholicism : in Europe, 1 ; di- 
vines. 2, 3 ; not infallible, 4 ; dogmas, 
43. (See Canadian, Papacy.) 

Routine, slaves to, 128. 

Rowley, Mass. : interference of niinia- 
ters with militia, 81. 

Roxbury, Mass. : pastorate, 75. 

Royal Arms : taken down, 181 ; court- 
house, 204. 

Ruggles, retort, 303. 

Rule, Margaret : convulsions, 232-234 ; 
allusion, 235. 

Russell, John : preaching shoemaker, 
117 ; reduced, 125. 

Russia Company, 15. 

Rye, Conn., letter, 326. 

Sabbath-bbeaking, supernatural testi- 
mony against, 232. 

Sabbath : severe laws, 28 ; worship in- 
terrupted, 152, 154. (See Sunday.) 

Sacraments, qualifications for, 8. (8e« 
Baptism, Communion.) 

Saint Augustine, orthodox, 2. 

Saint Botolph's Church, vicar, 47. 

Saint Ignatius, disciples, 346. (See 
Jesuits. ) 

Saints : in England, 39 ; on earth, 46 ; 
government of, 81. 

Salaries, provided for, 293. 

Salem : church, 23 ; judges, 24 ; Holmes, 
110 ; Quaker troubles, 149 ; Wharton, 
150-152 ; ordination, 153 ; Southwicks, 
163 ; letter, 166-168 ; six heretics, 169 ; 
treasurer, 172 ; witchcraft breaking 
out, 224 ; court permitted, 228. 

Salisbury : freeing captives at, 157, 176. 

Saltonstall, Richard : departure, 23 ; let- 
ter to Cotton, 39, 40. 

Samaria, slaughter, 132, 133. 

Samuel : controlling a kingdom, 130 ; 
infancy, 258 ; circuit, 287 ; ghost, 288 ; 
paraUel, 289. {See David, Saul.) 

Sanctification, marks, 46. 

Saul : as king, 130 ; anointed, 287 ; de- 
feated, 288'. 

Schismatics : strictly dealt with, 137, 
138 ; not to be killed openly, 137. 

Schism : to be crushed out, 3 ; cause, 
37. 

Scientific Training, and theology, 237, 
238. 

Scire Facias : agents sent to London, 
201-205 ; clerical obstinacy, 205-207 ; 
renewed attack, 207, 208; procrasti- 
nation and submission, 208, 209 ; brib- 
ery, 210 ; end of negotiations, 211-214 ; 



380 



INDEX. 



English law triumphant, 215 ; writ 
certain, 216. 

Scituate, Mass., Vassal, 84. 

Scotch Disanes, and Cromwell, 51. 

Scotch Kirk, abominations, 177. 

Scotland, reforms, 88. 

Scriptures ; interpretation of, 9 ; ex- 
pounded at college, 276. 

Seaconk, Mass., pastor, 110. 

Seaman, Rev. Mr., prayer, 6. 

Seeker, Dr. : answers, 339 ; allusion, 
342. (See Archbishop.) 

Sectaries : and sacrament, 29 ; called 
persecutors, 135. 

Sewall, Judge Samuel : immortalizes 
Margaret Brewster, 161 ; submission 
of the Mathers, 248 ; signing paper, 
249 ; interview with Mather, 271 ; edu- 
cation, opinions, venison, 275; judg- 
ment threatened, 276 ; college instal- 
lation, 280 ; character of Danforth, 
294 ; education, council, 295 ; letter. 
Cotton Mather's finances, 345. 

Shaftesbury, Lord, doctrines copied, 
338. 

Shaphan the Scribe, 286. 

Shattock, Samuel : signature, 129 ; let- 
ter 199. 

Sheldon, Sir Richard, 21. 

Shelter Island, Quaker refuge, 170. 

Shepard, Rev. Thomas : followers, 32 ; 
preaching, 34 ; sermon, 36, 37 ; exam- 
ple. Election Sermon, 105. 

Siffon, John : assessor, 321 ; jail, 322. 

Singer, Walter, friend of Colman, 241. 

Smith, John : petition, 88 ; fitne, 91, 
93. 

Smith, John : turbulent, 143 ; marital 
sympathy, 153. 

Smith, Margaret, prisoner, 153. 

Society for the Propagation of the Gos- 
pel : correspondence, 327 ; corpora- 
tion, 333; secretary, 336, 337. 

Sociniaus, free, 85. 

Solomon : heresy, 130 ; temple, 286. 
(See Samiiel.) 

Sorcery, and priesthood, 310. 

South Meeting House, disturbance, 162. 
(See Old.) 

Southwick, Daniel, reply, 172. 

Southwick Family : history, 163 ; treat- 
ment in Boston, 164 ; letter, 166-168 ; 
ordered away, 170, 171 ; wolves, 169, 
177. 

Southwick, Josiah : children, 163 ; to 
England and return, 171 ; hat (q. v.), 
171. 

Spain : priesthood, 28 ; science and the- 
ology, 238. 

Spaniards : type of progress, 44 ; not 
mutable, 129. 

Spur, John, arrested for friendliness, 
115. 

Stamp Act : law, 339 ; repealed, 341 ; 
diflBculties, 343 ; Sam. Adams, 347. 

State Constitutions, afifected by John 
Adams, 308. 



State Street, sentry, 310. 

State : united with church (g. v.), 98 ; 
European, resting on tradition, 315 

Status, defined, 314, 315. 

Stevenson, Marmaduke : hanged, 139, 
141 ; effect on others, 150 ; story of 
death, 174-176. 

Stiles, Rev. Ezra, opposition to Episco- 
pacy, 336, 337. 

Stodder, Rev. Mr., speech, 33. 

Stone, Samuel : on Congregationalism, 
97. 

Stoughton, Governor William : mission, 
201 ; alarm, 203 ; dismissed, 207; char- 
acteristics, 220 ; witchcraft court, 
225 ; at work, 226 ; blamed, 228 ; muz- 
zling the Mathers, 248, 249 ; letters 
about college, 272, 273 ; first chief jus- 
tice, 294. 

Stratford, Conn.: memorial, 326 ; pastor, 
328 ; another pastor, 333, 334 ; letter, 
334. 

Stuarts, reign, 4. 

Suffolk Coimty, court, 346. 

Suffrage : key, 29 ; religious qualifica- 
tions, 79 ; Plymouth, 84, 85. 

Sunday : disturbance, 145, 157, 162. (See 
Sabbath.) 

Superior Court : first judges of, 295 ; 
Winthrop case, 298, 299. 

Swing Bridge, Revolution, 351. 

Symmes, Rev. Mr. (Master Sims) : ex- 
cluding from communion, 119 ; deliv- 
ering to Satan, 120. 

Symonds, Samuel, letter to Winthrop, 
94. 

Synod: Cambridge {q. v.), 97-lOi pas- 
sim; Tiverton case, 322, 323. 

Tabor, Philip : assessor, 321 ; jail, 322. 

Taxation : of clergj', 33 ; legitimate in 
colonies, 317 : protest, 318. 

Taxes, levied, 23. 

Teachers: in Boston (q. v.) Church, 47, 
54 ; reached through universities, 238. 
(See Clergij, Ecclesiastics, Elders, 
Ministers, Pastors, Priests, Theoc- 
racy.) 

Temple at Jerusalem : training in, 258, 
259 ; discovery of the Book of the 
Law, 286. 

Tennent, Rev. Mr., revival preaching, 
332. 

Thacher, Rev. Peter, 33. 

Theocracy : imperilled, 20, 28 ; safe- 
guard, not loose, 29 ; hate, 64 ; ham- 
pering, 65 ; meddling, 81 ; character- 
istics, 92 ; established, 98 ; leaders, 
102 ; inconsistency, 101 ; slow triumph 
in Palestine, 129, 130 ; historians, 140 ; 
cursed, 152 ; strong point, 180 ; Mas- 
sachusetts a, 193 ; dealings with Eng- 
land, 202 ; needful, 205 ; overthrown, 
215 ; finally powerless, 228 ; seditious 
conspiracy, 248 ; selfishness, 292 ; cler- 
ical policj', 294; overthrown, 320. 
(See Oligarchy, Puritan.) 



INDEX. 



381 



Theocratic Justice, evils, 309. 

Theocratic Training, demoralizing, 275. 

Theological Politics, duplicity, 206. (See 
Clergy. ) 

Theological Training, and science, 338. 

Tithes, divine right, 335. 

Tiverton, R. I. : godly preacher, 321 ; 
troublfcs, 331, 322. 

Toleration. {&ee Oligarchy, Theocracy.) 

Tomkiiis, Mary : turbulence, 143 ; 
church disturbance, 155 ; arrest, 15G ; 
exposure in winter, 157 ; sermon time, 
158 ; flogged, 170. 

Tories : influencing Bellomont, 270 ; 
leader, 295 ; Episcopalians, 343. 

Towns : incorporated, 23 ; imits, 26 ; 
incorporated, 181 ; electing legisla- 
ture, 217. (See Church, Franchise, 
Suffrage, Voters.) 

Trade Guilds, oppressive, 189. 

Trade : revived, 15 ; iUicit, 203. 

Trading Companies : foreign, 13 ; erect- 
ing corporations, 261. (See East In- 
dia, Guilds.) 

Turkey Company, 15. 

Turner, Mr. : banished, 122 ; appeal, 
123, 124 ; again arrested, 125 ; past 
hope, 126. 

Twisse, Rev. D. , prayer, 5, 6. 

Untted Brethren op England, 247, 248. 
Universities, clerical control, 238. 
Upshal, Nicholas : helping prisoners, 

144; public testimony against a law, 

146. 

Vagabond Act: contrived, 138; num- 
ber of sufferers, 139 ; date, 142 ; hu- 
maner, 149. 

Vane, Sir Henry : reply to, 26 ; appointed 
governor, 47, 48 ; as a leader, 50 ; fam- 
ily, 51 ; clerical opposition, 52 ; friend 
of Wheelwright, 54, 55 ; election op- 
posed, 57 ; reply to Winthrop, 58 ; de- 
parture, 60 ; at Noddle's Lsland, 87 ; 
defeated, 96 ; friendship for Winthrop, 
98 : visitation from the clergy, 145 ; at- 
tack, 289. 

Variation and Conservatism, 129. 

Vassal (VassaU), William : position, re- 
turn to England, 84 ; described, 85 ; 
sympathy received, 88 ; petition, 90 ; 
popularity and departure, 94; an In- 
dependent, 95 ; occasions synod, 97. 

Veto, royal, 318. 

Vines, Rev. Mr., prayer, 5. 

Voters: in New England, 26, 29; and 
church, 80, 81 ; ))icked retainers of 
church, 176. (See Franchise, Suffrage, 
Towns. ) 

Wadsworth, Rev. Benjamin, subscrib- 
ing paper, 249. 

Walden, Richard : prosecuting Quakers, 
15.5 ; warrant, 156. 

Walley, Major, speaking with Cotton 
Mather, 275. 



Wallingford, Conn., pastor, 328. 

Ward, Rev. Nathaniel : Ipswich, 24 ; 
paper drawn up by, 24, 289. 

Wardwell (Wardel), EliaJdm : entertain- 
ing heretics, 158 ; house, 159 ; suffer- 
ing, 160, 161. 

Wardwell, Lydia : on the list, 143 ; 
naked, 155 ; family, 158 ; penury, 159 ; 
sutfering, 160. 

Wardwell, Thomas, citizenship, 158. 

Warren, General Joseph, letter from 
Sam. Adams, 354. 

Washington, George : loyalty, 317 ; pre- 
ferring peace, 346. 

Watertown, Mass., Quakers punished, 
148. 

Waugh, Dorothy : turbulent, 143 ; bot- 
tles, 146. 

Weavers of London, 17. 

Webb. Rev. Joseph : distress, 328 ; let- 
ter, 329. 

Welde, Rev. Joseph, 75, 76. 

Welde, Rev. Thomas, and Mrs. Hutchin- 
son, 47, 53, 75, 77, 78 ; bitterness, 77. 

Wells, England, pastor, 226. 

Wenliam, Mass., constables, 155. 

West Haven, Conn., pastor, 328. 

West Indies, illustration, 271. 

West Meeting-house, rebellious sermon, 
340. 

Westminster Assembly, doctrine, 5. 

Westminster Confession : adopted, 30 ; 
promulgated, 98 ; alone required, 243. 

Westminster, England, burgesses, 11. 

Westminster Hall, out of reach of, 22. 

Wetmore, Rev. James, changing reli- 
gion, 328. 

Wliarton, Edward : turbulence, 143 ; fa- 
naticism, 150 ; examined, 151 ; invoca- 
tion, 152 ; release, 154. 

Wlieelock, plea for just taxes, 33. 

Wheelwright, Rev. John : allusion, 47 
deprived of English living, 48 ; dissent, 
52 ; character, 54 ; arraigned, 55-57 
friends, 58, 59 ; bravery, 61, 62 ; smn 
moned, 63 ; banished, 64 ; sermon, 66 
trial, 91, 292, 309 ; fate, 95. 

Whip : described, 138 : harsh, 147 ; used, 
156 ; Wardwell, 160 ; horrible appli- 
cation, 165 ; catgut, 172. 

Whipping-post, 148. 

Whitefield, Rev. George, winter preach- 
ing, 332. 

Whitelock, Bulstrode, on Peters, 52. 

Wliittlesey, Rev. Samuel, changing re- 
ligion, 328. 

Wiggins, 101. 

Wilkins, Mr. , discussion in bis shop, 275, 
276. 

Willard, Rev. Samuel : Anabaptists, 105; 
faltering, 227 ; meeting at house, 248 ; 
subscribing paper, 249 ; duties at col- 
lege, 273 : assumed, 274 ; disguised 
liberal, 276 ; witchcraft troubles, 277 ; 
death, 279. 

William III.: charter, 16; colonial re- 
organization in 1692, 216 j statesman, 



382 



INDEX. 



217 ; project for Massachusetts, 219 ; 
favoring Episcopacy, 2G2 ; accession, 
292. 

Williams, Roger: fate, 47, 95; friend- 
ship for Winthrop, 98 ; and Clark, 110 ; 
summary, 135. 

Wilson, Deborah : violent, 143 ; naked, 
155 ; insane, 158. 

Wilson, George : turbulence, 143 ; shout- 
ing, 147. 

Wilson, Rev. John : opposing Vane, 50 ; 
speech, 52 ; coUeague, 54 ; dignity for- 
gotten, 58 ; on heresies, GO ; in court, 
69 ; striking Holmes, 113 ; average 
minister, 116; hatred, 134, 135; at 
Robinson's execution, 176, 177. 

Winnisime, Maverick's house, 86. 

Winslow, Edvifard : assistant, 84 ; letter, 
85 : sent to London, 94 ; statements to 
Parliament, 106, 116 ; before commis- 
sioner, 118. 

Winthrop, Dr. Wait : council, 295 ; in- 
testate, 296. 

Winthrop, John : immigration, 23 ; re- 
ply to Vane, 26 ; quoted, 27, 28 ; en- 
lightened, 31, 32; liberality, 40; set 
aside, 47 ; opposed to Vane, 50 ; to 
Wheelwright, 54 ; re-elected, 58 ; quib- 
bling arguments, 59 ; at synod, 60 ; 
weight, 62 ; prosecutor, 65, 66 ; Hutch- 
inson trial, 66-75 ; military case, 82, 
83 ; letter from Winslow, 85 ; Maver- 
ick, 86, 87 ; re-chosen governor, 89 ; 
Hubbard, 90 ; Plymouth case, 90-93 ; 
letter from Symonds, 94 ; death and 
disposition, 98 ; defeated by Dudley, 
98, 99 ; character, 99 ; Dunster, 109 ; 
grandson, 297 \. partisan, 344. 



Winthrop, John, son of Wait : death and 
estate, 298 ; alarmed, 299 ; case, 300- 
302. 

Winthrop versus Lechmere, 297, 301. 

Witchcraft, Salem: chapter, 216-236; 
general belief, 220, 221 ; agitation be- 
gun, sorceries, 221 ; cliildren be- 
witched, 221, 222 ; washerwoman, 222 
trashy evidence, 222, 223 ; goading on 
the people, 223 ; Parris household, 224 
court created, 225 ; clerical advice, 
225, 226 ; climax, 226 ; horrors, 227 : 
protests, 228; reaction, 228, 229; de 
fence, 229, 230; moderation coun 
seUed, 230, 231 ; pride in the work 
232 ; a later case, 232-234 ; Calef 's at- 
tack, 235, 236 ; deathblow, 236 ; deep 
delusion, 241. 

Witches : detected by punishment, 144 ; 
Massachusetts treatment, 310. 

Witter, William, aged Baptist, 111. 

WoUaston, Mass., 54, 77. 

Wozel, Deacon, liberal wishes of, 174, 
175. 

Wright, Hannah : turbulence, 143 ; mere 
girl, 153 ; fate, 154. 

Writs of Assistance, argument on, 302. 

Wythe, George, request, 307. 

Yale College : rector, 328 ; graduation 

of Beach, 344. 
Yale, David, petitioner, 88. 
York, Maine, Massachusetts Company 

in, 195. 

ZiMRi, example, 132. 

Zuni Indians : caste (g. v.), 250; teach- 
ing, 258 ; neophytes, 259. 



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